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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 22 0 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
hig party on the slavery question, and the importance of union against the Mexican War and against slavery, Courier, May 13, 1847; The Fourth of July, suggesting the antagonism between the Declaration of American Independence and American Slavery, Courier, July 3, 1847; Rev. R. C. Waterston's sermon on The true position of the Church in relation to the Age, a testimony to the preacher's humane and independent spirit. Courier, Dec. 18, 1847; Regular nominations, justifying the election of E. L. Keyes, an antislavery leader, as member of the Governor's Council, against the opposition of conservative Whigs, Courier, Jan. 17, 1848; Palfrey's first speech in Congress as a treatment of the slavery question, the second article being a rejoinder to the Atlas, Courier, Feb. 1 and 15, 1848. His contributions at this period to journals and magazines on literary or legal topics were few and brief, chiefly notices of books which were prompted by a personal interest in the authors. The foll
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
mmarized its conclusions. The majority of the committee, of which Hayden, editor of the Atlas, was chairman, had been dilatory in taking any action, and finally agreed upon a report which was thought to be wanting in spirit and directness. Edward L. Keyes, of Dedham, from the minority of the committee, submitted the report and resolutions which Sumner had drawn. There was a contest in the House, attended with considerable excitement, and lasting for several days. Boston Whig, April 17, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28. The resolutions reported by Keyes were on the motion of C. R. Train substituted for the majority report by a considerable majority, and were then passed by a vote of more than two to one. With a slight amendment, they then passed the Senate with no serious opposition. Sumner's resolutions thus became the declared opinions of the State. The antislavery Whigs, after their defeat at the State convention in September, took great satisfaction in this result, which, as they
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
e result of the Whig convention, conferred in advance as to the manner in which they should meet it. On May 27 there was a conference in Boston at the office of C. F. Adams, where were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edward Walcutt. They decided in case General Taylor, or any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his electio assailing their positions, the Atlas (the articles bearing the ear-marks of another than the editor) made every effort to give the controversy a personal direction, habitually naming the leading offenders, —Adams, Sumner, Allen, Wilson, Palfrey, Keyes, and Bird. The Webster Whigs in 1850 became very bitter against Schouler because, his original and better instincts now prevailing over his political connections, he refused to support Webster's compromise course; and in consequence he was obl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
eported resolutions; Drawn by a committee of which Sumner was a member. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 172. and Palfrey, Wilson, Adams, S. C. Phillips, Keyes, and Erastus Hopkins, spoke from the platform. Illness kept Sumner away, but he was appointed on a committee. Reference was made to the rumors of Webster's inte the senator for the full term. The Free Soilers in caucus, January 7, nominated Sumner by a ballot in which he received eighty-four out of eighty-five votes. E. L. Keyes, giving figures slightly different, said, in a letter to him communicating the result We have just taken the vote by ballot for senator, and you are the man. Fo both the old parties together. Your politics will never be in a natural state till this occurs. While the credit of Sumner's election was shared by many, and Keyes, Bird, Earle, Alley, and William Claflin were effective workers, no one person contributed so much to it as Wilson, who five years later became his colleague. C
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
the occasion, I am now satisfied that under the circumstances I acted for the best. Had I introduced a bill, I could not have spoken except by unanimous consent. Any single person could have stopped me. My first purpose was to try this; but I finally preferred to throw myself upon the majority, and to compel them to the ignoble position before the country of suppressing debate. This has been done, and they are exposed. I could not have made my speech on the motion to take up, though Mr. Keyes Editor of the Roxbury Gazette. says otherwise. Mr. Mason says I shall not speak this session,— that he will prevent me. I have told him that I will speak, and he cannot prevent me My purpose is to move an amendment to the civil appropriation, when it gets to the Senate, that no sum shall be applied to the execution of the Fugitive Slave bill, which is hereby repealed, and on this amendment to take the floor as a right. Of course there will be an outcry; it will be called factiousness,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
could not be chosen in their own towns or cities. Most of the constituencies preferred to elect one of their own number, and only nine towns accepted non-resident candidates; among whom were R. H. Dana, Jr., G. S. Boutwell, Anson Burlingame, E. L. Keyes, B. F. Hallett, and Whiting Griswold. The voters of Marshfield, the home of Mr. Webster, were radically antislavery, and the names of Sumner and Horace Mann were suggested to them. They preferred the former, as more sure to carry the Democrare Banks, Boutwell, Hallett, B. F. Butler (since known as General Butler), W. Griswold, and J. G. Abbott; and among the latter were Wilson, Dana, Sumner, Burlingame, Charles Allen, Marcus Morton (two of the name, father and son), Amasa Walker, E. L. Keyes, Charles P. Huntington, F. W. Bird, and John M. Earle. Five of the members had been or were afterwards governors,—Briggs, Boutwell, Gardner, Banks, and Talbot. Three afterwards became United States senators, Rockwell, Boutwell, and Dawes. On