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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 488 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 174 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 128 0 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 104 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 88 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 80 0 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 72 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 68 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 64 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 5. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Indiana (Indiana, United States) or search for Indiana (Indiana, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 9 results in 6 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
ree Soilers In Missouri they joined with Democrats of the Calhoun type to defeat Benton, and elected Henry S. Geyer as senator. Early in 1849, holding with only two votes the balance of power in the Legislature of Ohio, they joined with the Democrats in the election of Democratic judges, in the repeal of the infamous laws against negroes, and the election of Salmon P. Chase to the Senate. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 338. Similar co-operation in Connecticut and Indiana resulted in the election of Free Soil members of Congress, or of Democrats who were pledged to Free Soil principles. On the other hand, Free Soilers in Massachusetts supported Mann for Congress, although he was at the time a voter and candidate of the Whig party. If political parties are only means to ends,— and certainly they are no more,—such co-operation or temporary connection with either of the two national parties was judicious and patriotic. The time was sure to come when it was t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
letter from S. C. Phillips declining to be again the candidate for governor, and remarked, as he finished the reading, that it seemed to him very difficult to spare its author. He served on the committee on resolutions, and was again placed on the State committee. Phillips was, against his request, made again the candidate for governor. The resolutions and speeches all denounced the Compromise, and demanded the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. Adams, Burlingame, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, were among the speakers. Late in the afternoon Sumner made a special containing the germ of the one which he delivered later at Faneuil Hall. The Free Soilers put in the foreground the issue of approving Webster's support of the Fugitive Slave law and his repudiation of the Wilmot Proviso. His change of front was referred to then and later, without reserve, and with all plainness of speech. Traitor to liberty! a Benedict Arnold! Lucifer fallen! were descriptions often applied to him
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
both Latin and English, so full of classical allusions and rhetorical flourishes, as to make it much more palatable than I supposed it could have been made. He showed no ill feeling, and allowed himself to be interrupted several times by Sumner, who disclaimed any suggestion of a resort to force in resisting the law. Cass, making no reference to Sumner, explained in a pitiable way why he did not vote upon the Fugitive Slave law, and declared his purpose henceforth to stand by it. Bright of Indiana, expelled ten years later for disloyalty, Works, vol. VI. p. 252. abstaining from comments on Sumner's speech, vindicated the Act, and applied the epithet fanatics to its opponents. Cooper of Pennsylvania found no fault with Sumner for occupying the time of the Senate, even at this late day, and said:— It was his right to do it, and I am glad that he has exercised that right, because at last we have fully, broadly, and fairly presented to the country the designs and intentions of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
time was emphatic in the same direction; but there is no occasion to repeat here the strong epithets which were then freely applied to Mr. Everett. Pettit of Indiana followed Everett with an assault on the memorialists marked by his usual coarseness and indecency, and moved that it be referred to the chaplain of the Senate forcharged him and his associates in that body with having roused and inflamed the Boston mob to the verge of treason, subjecting them to traitors' doom. Pettit of Indiana then began a ribald speech of which even his fellow-Democrats must have been ashamed. He defended his assertion that the Declaration of Independence is a self-evould be noted that most of the senators kept aloof from the debate, and the offences against propriety were confined to four Southern senators and their ally from Indiana. Rusk of Texas did not find the debate edifying, and the accord of others with his feeling may be implied from their silence. It would not have been human in
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ve against it. All but one of the majority were from the free States. The nays from the free States (thirteen in all) were Democrats, John Kelly and Wheeler of New York; Cadwallader, Florence, and Jones of Pennsylvania; English and Miller of Indiana; Allen, Harris, and Marshall of Illinois; Hall of Iowa, and Denver of California. The Boston Advertiser, July 16, classified the vote. except John Scott Harrison of Ohio, elected as an American. Three or four Fillmore men (conservative Whigs) . 331, has remarked that Brooks's act became an historical event of eminent importance . . . in denoting two radically different civilizations. Fremont was defeated in the national election, losing five free States,—Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California; but Massachusetts gave him nearly seventy thousand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame was re-elected by a very small majority over William Apple
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ern and pro-slavery enough in his position, put John C. Breckinridge (afterwards a general in the Confederate army) in nomination. In May, a remnant of conservative Whigs, known as the Constitutional Union party, nominated John Bell for President and Edward Everett for Vice-President. The Republicans met at Chicago, May 16, and passing by Seward, the leading candidate, nominated Abraham Lincoln, who was supposed more likely than any one to command the support of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois,—States which they failed to carry in 1856. Their declaration of principles challenged the heresies of their adversaries by proclaiming freedom as the normal condition of all the Territories, by denying the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States, and by affirming, on Giddings's motion, the maintenance of the principles of the Declaration of Independence as essential t