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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 10 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Samuel H. Walley or search for Samuel H. Walley in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
of Webster himself, showed clearly enough where he stood. The debate, however, proceeded. Allen spoke most earnestly, maintaining that the question is not whether slavery shall be endured, but whether liberty shall be endured upon the American continent; and he protested that he would resist to the death any further encroachments on the area of freedom. Phillips, at the suggestion of Samuel Hoar, for the sake of brevity, reduced his amendment by dropping three of his resolutions; but Samuel H. Walley renewed, even as to the remaining three, the objection which Child had made as to the whole,—that they were superfluous. The vote was now taken at a late hour, when the delegates from the country in large numbers had left, and the amendment was lost. The vote was 91 to 137. The Boston delegation numbered 105, and supplied the main part of the 137 See accounts of the convention in Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II, pp. 118-121; Boston Times, September 24. Boston A
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
ere he had hitherto received little or no favor. His first effort was commended by conservative people, some of whom were personally well disposed to him, but most of whom had expected nothing from him but a radical and partisan course; and they were now surprised to find him beginning his public life in so sensible a way. He received approving letters from Caleb Cushing, N. P. Banks, Jr., Samuel E. Sewall, John Pierpont, Rev. Hubbard Winslow, Rev. Leonard Woods, Edward Austin, Samuel h. Walley, J. E. Worcester, George Livermore; and among letters from citizens of other States may be named those from Theodore Sedgwick and John Jay of New York, Timothy Walker of Cincinnati, Charles J. Ingersoll of Philadelphia, Neal Dow of Portland, and Miss D. L. Dix. The Whig press of Boston, quick to seize an opportunity of censure, and finding nothing in the speech of which a point could be made, avoided mention of it. The social and mercantile sentiment of Boston was then running strongly agai
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
d old Whig prejudices were still obstructions to the union of all opposed to slavery; and the American, or Know Nothing, party taking the same position as the Republican on the slavery question, prevailed at the election, and their candidate for governor, Henry J. Gardner, received a large plurality. The Boston Whigs (the remnant of the party long dominant in the State) again resisted the fusion, and gave a third of the fourteen thousand votes which were received by the Whig candidate, Samuel H. Walley, who was supported in speeches or letters by Choate, Winthrop, Hillard, Stevenson, F. C. Gray, and N. Appleton,—names already familiar to these pages. Their newspaper organ, the Advertiser, with unchanged proprietorship, appealed to old prejudices, and rallied Whig voters with the charge that the Republican party was a geographical and sectional party, with aims and tendencies hostile to the Union and the Constitution. So virulent was its partisanship that on the morning after the el
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
stated in the Springfield Republican, May 24. The sensation among the people was more intense than has attended any event in our history preceding the Civil War. Public meetings were held in the cities and towns, three of which it is sufficient to mention in this connection as representative of the great number. One was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, where the governor of the State, at the head of a line of distinguished speakers, was followed by Peleg W. Chandler, George S. Hillard, and S. H. Walley. Two managers of the Boston meeting, Prince Hawes and Jacob A. Dresser, waited on Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Everett, inviting them to address the meeting; but both excused themselves. The former was just going to Nahant with his family; and while desirous to do what he could to relieve Mr. Sumner's suffering, did not think highly of such meetings. Many regretted that Mr. Winthrop did not accept, hoping that his participation in the meeting would bring him into line with public sentiment,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
thousand; and Breckinridge, six thousand. In the electoral colleges Lincoln received one hundred and eighty votes; Breckinridge, seventy-two; Bell, thirty-nine; and Douglas, twelve. The Unionists in the South were divided between Douglas and Bell. In the North the rump of the Whig party—those antipathetic to antislavery sentiments—supported Bell and Everett; and their leaders in Massachusetts were chiefly the old opponents of the Conscience Whigs,—Winthrop, Eliot, Stevenson, G. T. Curtis, Walley, and Hillard. Some of these leaders are described in the New York Tribune; September 17, and the Boston Atlas and Bee, September 28. Felton, at this time President of Harvard College, and George Ticknor voted for Bell and Everett. The Whig conservatism of Boston had been broken up; but a remnant of five thousand votes was given in the city for Bell and Everett, principally cast by voters having a mercantile interest or connection, while the masses gave nearly ten thousand votes for Linco<