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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. Search the whole document.

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Pekin (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
experience in the same office, and his attainments in the Spanish language, to be of special advantage to our country. He was very desirous that John Jay should receive an important mission, in view of his personal fitness, his unselfish patriotism, and his devotion to the antislavery cause; but unfortunately his name and that of Motley were both presented for the Austrian mission after Motley had failed to secure the mission to the Hague, and Burlingame had been transferred from Vienna to Pekin. Sumner was embarrassed by the rivalry of the two friends (brothers to him, to use his own expression); but while meaning to keep the balance between the two, he nevertheless said enough to give the impression to the President and Secretary of State that he favored Motley. Jay, who should have had the appointment, bore the disappointment in a manly way. Mr. Jay was appointed to Vienna eight years later. It was Sumner's weakness that he put too high a value on literary distinction even
Buenos Ayres (Arizona, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
d that Sumner never assisted in an appointment with the slightest thought of its bearing on his own political fortunes. While catholic in his estimates of men, and desirous to introduce those of different types into the public service, he was readily enlisted in behalf of those who had served the antislavery cause; and among the appointments he promoted were those of John Pierpont, clerk in the treasury department; Professor C. I). Cleveland, consul at Cardiff; H. R. Helper, consul at Buenos Ayres; Seth Webb, consul at Port-au-Prince, William S. Thayer, consul in Egypt; and Anson Burlingame, minister to China. His influence secured a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still there April 13 (the day Fort Sumter was surrendered), a
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 1
on of Fort Sumter, which was regarded as a slavery or party question, should be terminated as a safe means for changing the issue. Next, as a foreign policy, he would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once (for what he did not say); and if satisfactory explanations are not received from them, he would convene Congress and declare war against them. He would also seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia [for what he did not say], and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. The letter then proceeded to a still more extraordinary recommendation:— For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it [this policy] incessantly. Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide. It is
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 1
Wilson, for the postponement of a tariff for the increase of duties,—a measure chiefly promoted by the wool-growing interest, and meeting with little favor from New England manufacturers.—both acting in harmony with their position in the passage of the tariff act of 1857. At the extra session in July, 1861, he opposed raising the of a protective tariff. He wrote to Lieber, Jan. 17, 1863:— I don't understand your anxieties about protection. I see no pressure on this question from New England or elsewhere. Besides, the duties rendered necessary for revenue will constitute an all-sufficient protection. What more will be thought of? If you see any dprotection, and that on that whole question I am absolutely independent. And again a week later:— I do not understand your anxiety about protection in New England. Wilson and myself are not its partisans, and I am ready to move in any policy which is liberal and just,—especially to the West. He recurred to the subj
Europe (search for this): chapter 1
ge of international law acquired in early studies, personal intercourse with public men abroad, and constant interest in European affairs, kept up in correspondence and in intercourse with foreign ministers at Washington, combined to give him rare eqhere is chaos in our foreign system. But it is of incalculable importance that our cause should be represented at every European government with all the character, skill, and persuasion which we can command. But I fear that this exigency is not comcould subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectional members of the State,—an unfortunate declaration, which misled European powers as to our system of government. F. W. Newman's Miscellanies, vol. III. p. 196; London Morning Star, May 11, 1nto Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. The letter then proceeded to a still more extraordinary recommendation:— For this purpose it must b
Cardiff (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1
adversaries. It may be safely said that Sumner never assisted in an appointment with the slightest thought of its bearing on his own political fortunes. While catholic in his estimates of men, and desirous to introduce those of different types into the public service, he was readily enlisted in behalf of those who had served the antislavery cause; and among the appointments he promoted were those of John Pierpont, clerk in the treasury department; Professor C. I). Cleveland, consul at Cardiff; H. R. Helper, consul at Buenos Ayres; Seth Webb, consul at Port-au-Prince, William S. Thayer, consul in Egypt; and Anson Burlingame, minister to China. His influence secured a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still there April 13 (the
France (France) (search for this): chapter 1
oney to the government unless a compromise was made, he replied that after the recent example of France, the people would promptly meet the emergency by a popular loan; and he added with emphasis, The for changing the issue. Next, as a foreign policy, he would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once (for what he did not say); and if satisfactory explanations are not rececredible as it might appear, the American Secretary of State really hoped to overawe England and France by threatening language. Bright wrote to Sumner, Nov. 29, 1861: There is a feeling among our mithem as they could wish. I hope this is not so. Weed, in his semi-official visit to England and France, discovered this prevailing impression concerning Seward, and did his best in private conversatto England, and that the President also was friendly and pacific towards that country as well as France. Post, p. 60. The change of Administration brought a horde of competitors for the offices.
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
sident Lincoln's call for troops. There were threatening signs also in Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland. Delaware alone among slave States seemed securely held to the Union. The disunion sentimento disable Congress from abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia so long as it existed in Maryland and Virginia, or in any places within its jurisdiction situated in slave States, or from prohibore January ended he was convinced that all the slave States would join the Confederacy, except Maryland and Delaware, which would be held by the government as the route to Washington, and perhaps alsis to be settled now. Virginia will secede, carrying with her all the rest, except perhaps Maryland, which will be retained by the national capital. There are some who think this cannot be done, but that the revolution which carries Maryland will seize the capital. Perhaps February will be an eventful month. I have not spoken, because I could say nothing which would not be perverted by the
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1
r about slavery, for a question upon union or disunion; and that the occupation of Fort Sumter, which was regarded as a slavery or party question, should be terminated as a safe means for changing the issue. Next, as a foreign policy, he would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once (for what he did not say); and if satisfactory explanations are not received from them, he would convene Congress and declare war against them. He would also seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia [for what he did not say], and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. The letter then proceeded to a still more extraordinary recommendation:— For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it [this policy] incessantly. Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or devolve it on some member of his C
Arizona (Arizona, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
ng interest in a superior position in the government. It was a late day in the history of civilization to travel in that direction. An historian calls this proposition, as moved by Seward in the Senate and by Corwin in the House, an act of moral self-abasement on the part of the North. Von Holst, vol. VII. p. 431. The other proposition admitted New Mexico, altogether unripe for membership in the Union, New Mexico is not thought thirty and more years later to be fit for admission. Arizona, then included in her limits, is also still a Territory. although she had already in 1859 legalized slavery and adopted a barbarous slave code. Von Holst, vol. VII. pp. 199, 227. The Boston Courier, holding an extreme Southern position, approved, February 2, Mr. Adams's propositions, saying: It is certain that these propositions include the principle of everything for which the South has contended. Within two weeks Mr. Adams, however, voted in committee against his two propositions when
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