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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
amored for a proclamation of emancipation. Ante, pp. 39, 40; post, p. 110; Seward's Life, vol. III. pp 118, 135; Welles's Lincoln and Seward, p. 210; Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI p. 128; Owen Lovejoy's letter to W. L. Garrison, Feb. 22, 1864, Liberator, April 1, 1864. Chase wrote to Sumner, August 12: The President's mind undergoes, I think, a progressive change in the line of a more vigorous policy and more decisive enfranchisement. The President carried out his purpose September 22, five days after the battle of Antietam,—submitting his preliminary proclamation to his Cabinet, deciding the question then wholly himself, and asking advice only as to phrases and details. Sumner received the announcement with profound satisfaction, being quite content with the grounds on which the proclamation was based, and making no complaint of its limitations of territory to States and parts of States still contumacious, which were sure to give way before political and military nec
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
that contest, and from that time forward to the end of reconstruction he was the great civic hero of the crisis. There was an attempt in the beginning of the canvass to detach support from Sumner on the pretence that he was an obstruction to the Administration, which had adopted a policy the opposite of his,—that of letting slavery alone, and prosecuting the war on the sole issue of the Union; but this argument was effectually silenced by the President's Proclamation of Emancipation, September 22, which followed by a few days the Republican convention It had already been submitted to the Cabinet before the convention met, but the fact was not known to the public. A report, studiously circulated, that the senator was in personal as well as political antagonism to the President was completely met by a letter from Sumner, which was widely published. Works, vol. VII. pp. 116-118: New York Tribune, June 16. This letter was brought before the public by the senator's friend, Mr.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ttled condition of his own country. What means the Austrian emperor's playing the liberal? But it is a good idea to ask to see Germany ein ganze—undivided. I hope this too may come. I miss my weekly talk and instruction. To Mr. Bright, September 22:— The news from Rosecrans is not all that we desire; but I have great confidence in his military ability and in his holdfast character, —and yet I confess that to my military eye, so far as I may judge such things, his position does not of sufficient gravity to justify one. The Address grieved sorely some of Sumner's dearest friends in England. The Argylls wrote with undiminished personal regard, but both sorrowing that he had treated England unfairly. The duchess wrote, September 22: Alas that it has come to this, that you should have felt it right to charge England as you have done in a public assembly! Was the fire not hot enough already? And in this and later letters she maintained her protest with justifications and<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
II. pp. 311, 312; vol. III. pp. 51,52. after referring to his recent illness and a former unhappiness which had unmanned him, he wrote: If I had been called away, it would have been with the regret that I never had enjoyed the choicest experience of life,—that no lips responsive to my own had ever said to me, I love you. With what sentiments and expectations he entered on the new relation appears in the notes announcing his engagement or accepting congratulations. He wrote to Lieber, September 22:— I wish you to know directly from myself that I am engaged to be married. I am not sure if you have ever met the beautiful lady of twenty-eight, who sometime this latter season presided at Mr. Hooper's house in Washington. I hope you will meet her this winter, if not before, at mine. Tell this to Mrs. Lieber from me. I write this gayly, and yet I cannot withhold from an early friend the solicitude which I feel at this great change in my life. I am an idealist, and I now hope to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
ously in the Senate, and had recently taken the lead in a formal reception to the Chinese embassy by that body. In his remarks at the dinner the senator compared the romantic career of Burlingame with that of Marco Polo. August 21; Works, vol. XII. pp. 502-509. Before completing his mission, Burlingame died at St. Petersburg, Feb. 23, 1870. Our government afterwards sought and obtained a modification of the treaty, sending a special commission to China for the purpose. To Bemis, September 22, from Washington:— There seems to be a new and favorable turn. Seward is sanguine, and Johnson writes that he shall settle everything. Nothing just yet, but everything very soon. The naturalization treaty comes first. Seward then expects a commission to hear and determine everything; therefore, the time is at hand for your work. I wish I could lend you my physical strength and power of work, everything but my hoarse voice. But with your knowledge,—of which you have a monopoly,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
ounter. A vigorous presentment of our case will take from critics one of their weapons. . . Fish thought that any negotiation on the claims should be at Washington, where the Senate can be consulted, as nothing can be done without the consent of that body. He had talked with John Rose of Canada, who had sounded him about sending out the Duke of Argyll. The duke must not come unless to be successful. The case must not be embittered by another rejection. Sumner delivered an address, September 22, before the Republican State convention on national affairs at home and abroad, in which he maintained the sacredness of the public debt, then assailed by various schemes of repudiation, and treated our relations with Spain growing out of the Cuban insurrection, and our relations with England growing out of our Civil War. Works, vol. XIII. pp. 98-130. In connection with the last subject he replied to some of the points which had been made by English critics, and restated his views of