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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
. 16, 1861, though regarding Judge Taney's opinion as a dictum, thought it sure to be adopted by the court. Lincoln's Administration, however, rejected it altogether, and treated negroes as citizens. Opinion of Edward Bates, Attorney-General; McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 378; Sumner's Works, vol. v. pp. 497, 498. Mr. Adams, in letters to his constituents, treated as an unrepealed and unrescinded contract Letter to E. L. Pierce, Jan. 1. 1861. Mr. Adams's action was reviewed by t Lincoln approved June 19, 1862. Mr. Adams supported his propositions and others of the committee of Thirty-three by votes in the House,—some of his colleagues from Massachusetts joining with him, but the greater number separating from him. McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 57-62; Congressional Globe, pp. 1262-1264, 1284, 1285, 1327, 1328, 1330. In the House, John Sherman, Schuyler Colfax, and William Windom voted for the proposed constitutional amendment. John Sherman agreed with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
he lines of his army came later,—Nov. 20, 1801. The reason given in the order for the exclusion was that they carried information to the enemy; whereas, instead of doing so, they brought information to our government. The President expressed to the writer, Feb. 15, 1812, much impatience at the hesitation of the Senate to confirm Halleck's nomination as major-general on account of this order. As to the military orders and other official action concerning fugitive slaves at this time, see McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 234-260. The war department required McDowell to forbid the harboring of fugitive slaves in camps, or their accompanying the troops on a march; this was at the President's instance, though the fact of his interposition was at his request kept from the public. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IV. pp. 390, 391. Negroes were forbidden to leave Washington except on proof of freedom. The Attorney-General, in a letter of instructions, recognized the du
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
Paris (Mr. Seward's explanation not yet being known), Do you bring us peace or war? When the correspondence of the state department became public, Davis reported in the House from his committee, June 27, a resolution affirming that Congress has a constitutional right to an authoritative voice in matters of foreign policy, and that its declarations, while pending and undetermined, are not a fit topic of diplomatic explanation with any foreign power. Davis's report in full is copied in McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 350-354. The resolution went over to the next session, when the members having become more thoughtful, it was laid on the table, Dec. 15, 1864, by six majority. Davis at once resigned his place on the committee, after saying that Seward had slapped the House of Representatives in the face in his correspondence with the French government, and the House of Representatives says it will not even assert its dignity; but the House refused to excuse him. Four day