Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Winfield Scott or search for Winfield Scott in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
f events violence must have reached the capital before February 1, had not the President and General Scott taken steps to counteract it. Ten days ago everything tended to that catastrophe; for two daze,—Virginia as much as any other State, embittered by the teachings of Wise and Mason. General Scott says: Since the 2d of January,—yes, sir, since the 2d of January, the President has done weld the wisdom of the overtures made by himself and Weed. American Conflict, vol. I. p. 361. General Scott, head of the army, communicated, Oct. 29, 1860, his views in a formal paper to President Bucons, naming peaceable separation as one of the alternatives. New York Tribune, Oct. 24, 1862; Scott's Autobiography, p. 626. At the Pine Street meeting in New York, where W. B. Astor, A. A. Low, D and endurance of the free States. Sumner during this anxious period conferred often with General Scott and the loyal members of Buchanan's Cabinet-Stanton, Holt, and Dix—in reference to the safet<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. Sumner was in Washington ten days in the latter half of May, 1861, when he conferred with the President and General Scott, and was in his seat when the extra session opened, July 4, going to Washington a fortnight before it began. Forty-four senators were present, including those and subsequently recanted, will be related hereafter. His colleague Wilson, as if to make a point, offered five days later a resolution of opposite tenor; but General Scott, the highest military authority then living, recorded his contemporaneous judgment in favor of Sumner's proposition, pronouncing it noble, and from the right quarter. Scott's Autobiography, pp. 188-190. The House had. Feb. 22, 1862. refused to have captured rebel flags presented in its hall on the occasion of Washington's Farewell Address being rend. Three years later he took ground against placing in the Capitol any picture of a victory in battle with our own fellow-citizens. Feb
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
who was in the chair, sent at once to Sumner a bit of paper with these words and his initials: That was a great speech. The leader in the Providence Journal, April 20, 1869, was presumably written by Senator Anthony, who was its editor as well as chief proprietor. It approved the speech as free from the spirit of hostility and revenge, and representing the views of the senators as well as public opinion. Fessenden was the first to approve; and he was followed by Sherman, Howard, Morton, Scott, Thurman, Casserly, Stockton, Chandler, and Warner. Fessenden and other senators, in personal congratulations and in public remarks, commended particularly its moderation and conciliatory spirit. New York Tribune, April 14; New York Times, April 14; New York Herald, April 14. The last named journal, May 3, reports an interview with the senator, in which he stated some incidents connected with the speech. The treaty was then rejected by a vote of fifty-four to one. The Senate of its own
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
d, Jan. 15, 1893.— I cannot comprehend this tempest. The resolution which is treated so severely is an old inhabitant. I have already brought it forward in substance twice before this last motion, and received the warm commendation of General Scott, General Anderson, etc. ... I know that I never deserved better of Massachusetts than now. It was our State which led in requiring all safeguards for liberty and equality; I covet for her that other honor of leading in reconciliation. First do not understand. History is full of examples to sustain me; only the sea and tiger are as blind and senseless in ferocity as party hate. I long to state the case. Twice before, once in 1862, I offered this resolution with the applause of General Scott and General Robert Anderson. Where is Massachusetts civilization? Thus far our Commonwealth has led in the great battle of liberty and equality. By the blessing of God she shall lead again in smoothing the wrinkled front of war. Thanks, an
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
uld only succeed under the direct patronage and supervision of the United States government. He followed the bill closely, and on two different days (February 27, and Friday, March 6) spoke at length Congressional Globe, pp. 1830-1833, 2025-2027. in favor of further consideration and another reference to a committee. The Senate agreed with him, and voted the reference March 6. He was on that day full of spirit and earnestness. His contention with the Pennsylvania senators (Cameron and Scott) was sharp; though friendly. Flanagan of Texas, Another Flanagan, son of the senator, when defending the spoils system in the Republican national convention of 1880, asked, What are we up here for? however, who followed him, and closed the debate on Friday, reminded him of his recent divergence from his party, and his failure to pull his State from her solid moorings. Sumner's remarks on that day were his last words in the Senate. His last words with Thurman referred to the good effe