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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

Your search returned 57 results in 10 document sections:

James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 2: (search)
first moment, and continued to maintain, in opposition to its express terms, that it was not only the right but the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in all the Territories. This became a cardinal principle in the Chicago platform on which Mr. Lincoln was nominated and elected, and to which his Inaugural proves he had determined to adhere. The agitation continued for years, just as though the Supreme Court had never decided the question, until at length Congress passed an Act, on the 19th but not so. Instead of this, the Douglas Democracy disregarded the decision altogether. They treated it as though it had never been made, and still continued to agitate without intermission, and with powerful effect, until the very day of President Lincoln's election. Absolute non-interference with slavery in the Territories, on the part of any human power outside of them, was their watchword; thus leaving the people thereof entirely free to regulate or destroy it according to their own dis
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 3: (search)
d the Union. It foreboded nothing but evil. There could be no pretence that either candidate had been nominated according to the established rules of the party. Every individual Democrat was, therefore, left at liberty So choose between them. In many localities, especially North, their respective partisans became more violent against each other than against the common foe. No reasonable hope could remain for the election of Mr. Douglas or Mr. Breckinridge. It was morally certain that Mr. Lincoln would be the next President, and this added greatly to his strength. The result was, that of the 303 electoral votes, Mr. Douglas received but 12 Congressional Globe, 186-61, page 894. (3 from New Jersey, and 9 from Missouri), and Mr. Breckinridge only 72 (3 from Delaware, 8 from Maryland, 10 from North Carolina, 8 from South Carolina, 10 from Georgia, 6 from Louisiana, 7 from Mississippi, 9 from Alabama, 4 from Arkansas, 3 from Florida, and 4 from Texas). Virginia, North Carolina, a
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 4: (search)
nto practice. Throughout the Presidential canvass, the cotton States openly declared their purpose to secede should Mr. Lincoln be elected. In this they were now unfortunately in earnest. In ominous contrast with their former blustering, they no obedience by the overwhelming physical power of the North. With strange inconsistency, however, immediately after Mr. Lincoln's election much was said and written by Republicans in the North calculated to delude the cotton States into the beliee oration of John Quincy Adams before the New York Historical Society, it on the 9th of November, but three days after Mr. Lincoln's election, announced such sentiments as the following: If the cotton States shall become satisfied that they can do b who deny it to others.So much for the question of principle. In this course the Tribune persisted from the date of Mr. Lincoln's election until after his inauguration, employing such remarks as the following: Any attempt to compel them by force
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 5: (search)
tton States, and smooth the way to a compromise the rights of those States in no danger from Mr. Lincoln's election their true policy was to cling to the Union. Such, since the period of Mr. LinMr. Lincoln's election, having been the condition of the Southern States, the Views of General Scott, addressed before that event to the Secretary of War, on the 29th and 30th October, 1860, were calculatedhat these views, the substance of which soon reached the Southern States, were written before Mr. Lincoln's election, and at a time when none of the cotton States had made the first movement toward sactual invasion of their constitutional rights over slave property from any hostile action of Mr. Lincoln's administration. For the protection of these, they could rely both on the judicial and the t was also ascertained that there would be a majority in both Houses of the first Congress of Mr. Lincoln's term, sufficient to prevent any legislation to their injury. Thus protected, it would be m
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 6: (search)
Chapter 6: Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency its danger to the Union warnings of the President and his trying position his policy in the emergency, and the reasons for it his supreme object the preservation of the Union-meetirom the secession leaders Cessation of all friendly intercourse between him and them. On the 6th November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States, and immediately thereafter the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Atton States to follow in her lead. Every discerning citizen must now have foreseen serious danger to the Union from Mr. Lincoln's election. After a struggle of many years, this had accomplished the triumph of the antislavery over the slaveholdin Federal Government, at a time when their rights were in no real danger, either from the election or administration of Mr. Lincoln. He says: And this brings me to observe, that the election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the office of P
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 8: (search)
either to prevent or to confront the existing danger. From the persistent refusal to pass any act enabling either the outgoing or the incoming administration to meet the contingency of civil war, it may fairly be inferred that the friends of Mr. Lincoln, in and out of Congress, believed he would be able to settle the existing difficulties with the cotton States in a peaceful manner, and that he might be embarrassed by any legislation contemplating the necessity of a resort to hostile measures, leaving the law just as they had found it. They made no provision whatever for the suppression of threatened rebellion, but deliberately refused to grant either men or money for this purpose. It was this violation of duty which compelled President Lincoln to issue a proclamation convening the new Congress, in special session, immediately after the attack on Fort Sumter. Urgent and dangerous emergencies may have arisen, or may hereafter arise in the history of our country, rendering delay di
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 9: (search)
ations. This appears from his report to President Lincoln, of the 30th March, 1861, entitled Southmed force to prevent the inauguration of President Lincoln and to seize the public property. The G been made in consequence of a call from President Lincoln. From its face it appears to have been it does not contain a word of advice to President Lincoln, such as might have been expected from t Buchanan. We need scarcely remark that President Lincoln acted wisely in disregarding this counseternative for. all these evils. He advises Mr. Lincoln's administration to throw off the old and ar and mutual destruction. The advice to President Lincoln was out of season, after both the Critteand in addition, a copy of his report to President Lincoln. Why he thus connected these two documeress of the rebellion. In his report to President Lincoln, he speaks of but one conversation with rom New York, &c., &c. In this report to President Lincoln the General exultingly declares, that if[8 more...]
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 10: (search)
t action, it is difficult to imagine how the General could have asserted, in his report to President Lincoln, that the South Carolina commissioners had already been many days in Washington, and no mo on a question of military strategy. What a failure and confusion of memory the report to President Lincoln exhibits I At the interview with President Buchanan on the evening of the 31st December, te of these facts, the President saw with astonishment that General Scott, in his report to President Lincoln, had stated that the expedition under Captain Ward, of three or four small steamers, had bof the General, events altogether distinct in their nature are so blended in his report to President Lincoln, that it is difficult to disentangle them. Such is eminently the case in mixing up the faing, he would have been the last man to make such a proposition; and yet, in his report to President Lincoln, he does not make the most distant allusion to the fact, well known to him, that such a tr
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 11: (search)
from Major Anderson Mr. Holts letter to President Lincoln Fort Pickens in Florida its danger fro version of this affair in his report to President Lincoln: At this time, when this [the truce on tfore it was issued, which he presents to President Lincoln in such odious colors? President Buchan General Scott, also, in his report to President Lincoln, comments severely on the delay of the ois not contained in his report to President. Lincoln, but is to be found in his letter of the 8th (December 29th, 1859) almost a year before Mr. Lincoln's election, several months before his nominJanuary, 1861, until the inauguration of President Lincoln. He, had previously been Postmaster-GenIt is fair to observe that the policy of President Lincoln toward the seven cotton States which hadre compromise of this vital question. President Lincoln specifies and illustrates the character e movement. The policy thus announced by Mr. Lincoln, under the circumstances, was the true poli[5 more...]
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Appendix (search)
distinct from national interest; but adds: This rule acknowledges that it is often necessary to assert the honor of a nation for the sake of its interests. The excitement that threatens secession is caused by the near prospect of a Republican's election to the Presidency. From a sense of propriety, as a soldier, I have taken no part in the pending canvass, and, as always heretofore, mean to stay away from the polls. My sympathies, however, are with the Bell and Everett ticket. With Mr. Lincoln I have had no communication whatever, direct or indirect, and have no recollection of ever having seen his person; but cannot believe any unconstitutional violence, or breach of law, is to be apprehended from his administration of the Federal Government. From a knowledge of our Southern population it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, viz., the seizure of some or all of the following posts: Forts Jackson and St. Phili