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Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 185 23 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 18 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 10 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 20, 1861., [Electronic resource] 7 5 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Atlantic Essays 6 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 0 Browse Search
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe 4 0 Browse Search
Eliza Frances Andrews, The war-time journal of a Georgia girl, 1864-1865 2 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 2 2 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 2 0 Browse Search
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, and thought it his duty to call on the President. He was received in the Cabinet chamber when no one was present but Mr. Motley, who had been recently appointed Minister to England. General Grant and Motley both described the interview to me. MotMotley both described the interview to me. Motley said both men were simple and dignified, but he thought there was a shade of constraint in the manner of Lee, who was indeed always inclined to be more formal than the Northern general. The former enemies shook hands; Grant asked Lee to be seatMotley said both men were simple and dignified, but he thought there was a shade of constraint in the manner of Lee, who was indeed always inclined to be more formal than the Northern general. The former enemies shook hands; Grant asked Lee to be seated, and presented Motley. The interview was short, and all that Grant could remember afterward was that they spoke of building railroads, and he said playfully to Lee: You and I, General, have had more to do with destroying railroads than buildinMotley. The interview was short, and all that Grant could remember afterward was that they spoke of building railroads, and he said playfully to Lee: You and I, General, have had more to do with destroying railroads than building them. But Lee refused to smile, or to recognize the raillery. He went on gravely with the conversation, and no other reference was made to the past. Lee soon arose, and the soldiers parted, not to meet again until their mighty shades saluted e
o applicant received an answer. While he was at Galena, Grant had said to me, that he thought Motley, the historian, would make a good Secretary of State. Motley had been Minister at Vienna, but Motley had been Minister at Vienna, but was removed by Johnson for criticising the Reconstruction policy of the Administration too sharply, and great sympathy was felt for him by Republicans. Sumner, especially, was anxious that he should be restored to the post he had lost. Motley corresponded with me during the canvass, and sent me copies of the speeches he made for Grant. These were shown to Grant, and they impressed him favorably. But soon after the election, Grant visited Boston, where Motley called on him. I did not accompany my chief on this occasion, and on his return I asked his opinion of Motley. He parts his hair in Motley. He parts his hair in the middle and carries a single eyeglass, was the reply; and the tone, as much as the words, indicated that the historian was too foreign in his ways to please the President-elect. At that time, Gran
se with Motley was brought about through me. Mr. Motley made my acquaintance at Newport in 1868. He it was made, and allowed me to announce it to Motley. This was a great gratification to me, and of course Motley was delighted. He at once, however, begged me to remember that despite our intimacy ing an offensive attitude. The memoir which Mr. Motley presented was therefore rejected. At thises obedient and others deferential; and though Motley was not as yet at fault, Sumner's course both voyage. I was to take the same steamer with Motley, and a few days before we started I asked the conduct to the extraordinary sensitiveness of Motley. He had shown in one or two instances a pettyand that gentleman, who was utterly unknown to Motley, received the appointment. Young Mr. Fish, atand there he told me that he meant to remove Mr. Motley. This was on the 15th of May, nearly two moot often condone. The crisis finally came. Motley was living in Lord Yarborough's house, in Arli[42 more...]
re Grant's Administration was three months old Motley was sent to England to please Sumner, without's view was presented to the Administration by Motley as the basis for his own instructions, it was hreatened, as I have already stated, to induce Motley to resign. Nevertheless for a while he retainn the effusion of the moment, and knowing that Motley was to be recalled, exclaimed: How would you lis Grant had told Fish that he meant to remove Motley; once when Motley's report of his first intervndon arrived; next when it was discovered that Motley had submitted his account of the interview to old me he had certainly determined to remove Mr. Motley. On the 30th of June, the St. Domingo treaty was rejected, and on the 1st of July Motley was requested to resign. The determination was execdesired Mr. Fish to request the resignation of Motley; but the President supposed that the SecretarSenate Chamber shortly after the nomination of Motley's successor was sent in, and went up as usual [7 more...]
Sumner was known personally to the prominent members of the Liberal party, and Motley from his literary reputation was welcome to the cultivated classes. There was,e, a shade of distrust because of Sumner's speech delivered only a month before Motley's appointment; still the reception of the new Minister was more than friendly; he exceeded his instructions. The speedy interruption of negotiations after Motley's insubordination became known was doubtless remarked by the British Cabinet, a as well as because of what only those in interior circles knew, the purport of Motley's first communication to the British Foreign Office. It was also important to was arrived at. On this account, perhaps, he was all the more dissatisfied with Motley's course, though he bore with him until it became indispensable to appoint a sus absent from London that the British Commissioners started for America. After Motley's removal there was no American Minister in London until Schenck should arrive,
that lay beneath an undemonstrative exterior; this gave them, I doubt not, an undefined fellowship of feeling, and yet threw a certain constraint about their intimacy. They knew and liked each other better, I believe, than either ever said to the other. But such natures understand and appreciate perhaps as well as if they expressed more. Two grave questions, the English and the Cuban, were at once presented to the State Department. The story of the English imbroglio, the quarrel with Motley and Sumner, in which Fish fully sympathized with Grant, the Treaty of Washington, and the Arbitration at Geneva—all this I have attempted to record. The subject profoundly interested the Secretary of State, and all the adjustment was left to him. Grant approved of every step that was taken, though sometimes he required to be convinced; but he was in accord with Fish at every critical moment. In the personal phases of the controversy the feelings of both became enlisted, and they were broug
er practicable way of settling the question at issue in which both parties would acquiesce; no other arbitrament but arms, and this he was determined to avert. Therefore, when Congress laid down the law he executed it. I remember talking with Motley on the subject at the time in London. Like most of the disappointed or disaffected Republicans, Motley held that Tilden had been elected, but he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he would certainly put Hayes intoMotley held that Tilden had been elected, but he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he would certainly put Hayes into place. It was an unfair accusation, but not unnatural, I suppose, in one who thought he had himself suffered unjustly at Grant's hands; still, it showed a belief that Grant would execute his determination. The country at home had the same belief in his inflexibility, and felt that he would carry out whatever policy he might adopt. Thus after it was known that he had accepted the decision of the Commission both sides breathed freer: they knew that whatever happened there would be no war. All
Now, however, I fear the chances are largely against it. But by the time this reaches you more certainty will be felt one way or the other. The crime is a disgrace to our country, and yet cannot be punished as it deserves. I have been very busy, though not accomplishing much, which must be my excuse for not writing sooner. In September Garfield died, and Grant had the strange fate of following the coffin of another of his great opponents. He had been at the funerals of Chase, Sumner, Motley, and Greeley, and now of Garfield. In every instance the disputes of earth were hushed in the awful presence of that antagonist who overcomes each of us in our turn; but in Garfield's case the solemnity was greater still, for the pall of the dead President reminded his predecessor of that other and even greater martyrdom which had occurred in the same capital, and of that funeral in which he had followed another and greater President. The next obsequies at which the Nation mourned were des
one referred to in Chapter XXIII, on Grant and Motley. It was written, as I there state, in reply tat Grant should say something to me commending Motley which I could show to the Minister. The uttere speaks of were one or two public speeches of Motley delivered soon after his arrival in England. th the rebuke which the withdrawal implied: as Motley was to stay, Grant thought it well to make himt's intention was caused by the discovery that Motley had placed on file in the British Foreign Offiut in July, 1869, this fact was not known, for Motley failed to report it promptly. This whole mattxplain why General Grant wrote so favorably of Motley—almost to him—at this time. There was no tergdispatches. So far I have been pleased with Mr. Motley's utterances abroad, and I have no doubt he peaking of the effect newspaper rumors about Mr. Motley's removal had upon him was rec'd the very damy mind now who to send but I will not leave Mr. Motley. Yours, U. S. Grant. Letter no. Eig[4 more...]<
and Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, U. S. Grant. His Excellency, M. A. R. Rangabe, E. E. and M. Plenipotentiary, of His Majesty, the King of the Greeks. No. Eleven. Charles Sumner to General Badeau. This letter was written while Motley was Minister at London and I was Assistant-Secretary of Legation. It is interesting for the defense of Sumner's famous speech which it contains, and which he desired I should render to his English friends. For Sumner was always anxious about was against Belgravia, —when I indicted nobody but the British Government. Had the speech been read generally such absurdities could not have found a market. The honest sense of John Bull would have been indignant at the misrepresentation. Mr. Motley knows, you know, everybody who knows the least of me, how my soul has clung to John Bright for years and how it has throbbed in unison with him. To him and partners I give honor and praise perpetually. Little did I think, when without any see