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t. Vesuvius, to-morrow visit Pompeii and Herculaneum. About Saturday, the 22d, start for Palermo, thence to Malta, where we will probably spend the 25th. From there we go to Alexandria and up the Nile. That is about as far as I have definitely planned, but think on our return from the Nile we will go to Joppa, and visit Jerusalem from there; possibly Damascus and other points of interest also, and take the ship again at Beyrout. The next point will be Smyrna, then Constantinople. I am beginning to enjoy traveling, and if the money holds out, or if Consolidated Virginia mining stock does, I will not be back to the Eastern States for two years yet. Should they—the stocks—run down on my hands, and stop dividends, I should be compelled to get home the nearest way. Jesse is entirely well and himself again, and enjoys his travels under these changed conditions very much. I wrote a letter to Porter a good while ago, but have received no answer yet. Very truly yours, U. S. Gra
ed the Bible, expressing a hope that its contents might enable Grant to fill his high office worthily. The Chief-Justice must have required a full share of Christian sentiment to enable him to perform his task. Immediately afterward Grant received his staff for the last time, and announced the disposition to be made of them. Three were nominally placed on the staff of Sherman, who succeeded Grant as General-in-Chief, but they were in reality to be on duty at the Executive Mansion. Horace Porter was to act as private secretary, with Babcock to assist him; Comstock had some nominal duties from which he soon requested to be relieved, and ordered to duty as engineer; Dent remained as aide-de-camp with ceremonial functions, and Parker was shortly afterward appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs. I was assigned a room at the Executive Mansion, where I was to finish my Military History and to have some charge of Grant's unofficial letters for a while; but when I saw the President a
Mansion, Washington, Nov. 19, 1871. dear Badeau,—As I have before assured you your letters are received and read with great pleasure, though I may not find time to answer many of them. The information asked for by you from the War Department Porter undertook to get, and has obtained so far as the clerks in the Department could work it out. But it does not satisfy Porter, and he now intends to go to the Department himself and work it up. This accounts for the delay. I have not yet writtenPorter, and he now intends to go to the Department himself and work it up. This accounts for the delay. I have not yet written a line in my message. Will commence to-morrow, and hope to make it short. Everything in the country looks politically well at present. The most serious apprehension is from the awards that may be made by the Commissioners at Geneva an d in Washington. Should they be largely in favor of the English it would at least cause much disappointment. In speaking of political matters, I do not of course allude to my own chances. It will be a happy day for me when I am out of political life. But I
f to the country, and next, because the shadow of further public station had faded from his own future. After this, he was more averse than ever to the thought of again becoming a Presidential aspirant. But his triumphal tour abroad suggested the idea to his friends at home, many of whom were anxious that he should be kept out of the country in order to avoid premature political complications. As early as March, 1878, he wrote to me from Rome: Most every letter I get from the States, like Porter's to you, asks me to remain abroad. They have designs for me which I do not contemplate for myself. It is probable that I will return to the United States either in the fall or early next spring. This remark was meant for me as much as for any one else, for I had not hesitated to let him know that I thought the country would desire his return to power; but at that time he had said no word to warrant me in supposing that he entertained the idea. He did not, it is true, return to America
n, and I replied that if I had his full sanction I should like to do so rather than leave the public service. Accordingly the matter was arranged through General Horace Porter and Robert Lincoln, the Secretary of War. Mr. Lincoln obtained a promise from the President that I should be appointed again to Copenhagen, if I would plede President's life. This of course has put a stop to all communications on the subject of foreign appointments—in fact all Presidential appointments. I had told Porter before this trouble came that I thought probably you had better after all accept the Copenhagen appointment for the present. Whether Porter had an opportunity toPorter had an opportunity to mention the subject before the wounding of the President or not I do not know. This attempt upon the life of General Garfield produced a shock upon the public mind but little less than that produced by the assassination of Lincoln. The intensity of feeling has somewhat died out in consequence of the favorable reports of the pat
ook horses and Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Grant proceeded in an ambulance. I was detailed as before to act as escort, but I asked for a companion in the duty; for after my experience, I did not wish to be the only officer in the carriage. So Colonel Horace Porter was ordered to join the party. Mrs. Ord accompanied her husband; as she was the wife of the commander of an army she was not subject to the order for return; though before that day was over she wished herself in Washington or anywhere elthat he wants her by the side of him? She was in a frenzy of excitement, and language and action both became more extravagant every moment. Mrs. Grant again endeavored to pacify her, but then Mrs. Lincoln got angry with Mrs. Grant; and all that Porter and I could do was to see that nothing worse than words occurred. We feared she might jump out of the vehicle and shout to the cavalcade. Once she said to Mrs. Grant in her transports: I suppose you think you'll get to the White House yourself,
easily with him; and many of these used him for their own purposes and to his harm. Ferdinand Ward is, of course, the conspicuous example. I remember telling Horace Porter of the enormous sums that Grant thought he was making in business, and Porter, as a business man, replied that it was impossible to make them legitimately; thaPorter, as a business man, replied that it was impossible to make them legitimately; that there must be something wrong of which the General was ignorant. He told me afterward that he went once to Grant's house to warn him against Ward, whose conduct seemed to him dangerous if not suspicious, but that while he was there Ward was announced and the manner of the General to his partner was such that Porter, Grant's forPorter, Grant's former secretary and aide-de-camp, did not feel warranted in uttering what he feared. It would probably have been useless to attempt to interfere. Mrs. Grant herself had her anxieties and suspicions in regard to Ward, but was unable to insinuate them. More than once, indeed, she cautioned General Grant against his intimates, but
tified at the interest of his friends, but would give me no advice, and I sallied out and spent the day in his service. I found Mr. Hamilton Fish, General Grant's old Secretary of State, Mr. Evarts, who had just been elected Senator, and General Horace Porter, my former comrade on General Grant's staff. All were willing and earnest; all wrote letters at once to reach members of Congress the next day, and Porter went with me to visit others who we thought might help us. But Monday came and thePorter went with me to visit others who we thought might help us. But Monday came and the bill was called up and lost. General Grant felt the rebuff acutely. Though he had made no demonstration of anxiety in advance, those who saw most of him and had learned to interpret the few and faint indications he ever gave of his personal preferences and desires, knew how eagerly he had hoped, how cruelly he was disappointed. He had indeed looked to this bill as in some sort a reparation of the injury his reputation had sustained; as an official vindication, an intimation that the count
ormation asked for by you, from the War Dep't, Porter undertook to get, and has obtained so far as try for me to retain it any longer. I send you Porter's letter. It indicates that he had some criti he remained in England. In February, General Horace Porter, my successor as his private secretaryfecting your status in your present position. Porter received my letter I know because Buck says int my letter I know because Bucky wrote me that Porter showed it to him. Yours Truly, U. S. Granthapter of your book with letters from Sherman, Porter & Babcock. I return the whole without comment Most every letter I get from the states—like Porter's to you—ask me to remain absent. They have d a market long after you and I are gone. Tell Porter that I received his letter, and Seligman's. I d not interfere with your book too much. Tell Porter of my delay. With kind regards of Mrs. Granact all Presidential appointments. I had told Porter before this terrible crime that I thought prob[14 more...]<
Comte de Paris. No. Fifteen. General Grant to J. H. Work, Esq. Mr. Work had a copy of my Military History of Grant especially bound for his library, and asked General Grant to write something in it to attest his opinion of its merits; and this letter is the inscription it contains. New York City, Dec. 22, 1881. J. H. work, Esq.,—This book was revised by me, chapter by chapter, as it was being prepared for the publishers. It was submitted for a similar review also to Generals Porter and Babcock, two of the staff colleagues of the author. In addition to this, all those chapters treating of events in which Generals Sherman and Sheridan held detached commands were submitted to those officers. The author had access to the Government and captured and purchased archives. He also read and consulted all that was published on both sides, before and during the time he was writing this book, with the view of getting the truth. So far as I am capable of judging, this is a