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Calhoun (search for this): chapter 1.48
a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutionntion in absolute silence, is peculiarly instructive and interesting reading. In this connection will be remembered Mr. Calhoun's suggestion, in his debate with Mr. Webster in 1833, that this phraseology—We, the people, etc.—was used as expressinhole, acting individually and nationally, with respect to the nationel powers delegated. It will be remembered that Mr. Calhoun brought all the weight of his great character and fervid eloquence to maintain the affirmative of that proposition; athan that delivered by him in his perhaps more famous debate with Mr. Payne. Indeed, it seems to have been assumed by Mr. Calhoun as an elemental and unassailable proposition, and conceded by Mr. Webster (strange as it may seem now, reviewing the q
Pelatiah Webster (search for this): chapter 1.48
mes-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Lou will be remembered Mr. Calhoun's suggestion, in his debate with Mr. Webster in 1833, that this phraseology—We, the people, etc.—was used as uence to maintain the affirmative of that proposition; and that Mr. Webster combatted such affirmative in that epoch-making speech of his inun as an elemental and unassailable proposition, and conceded by Mr. Webster (strange as it may seem now, reviewing the question from his station and adoption of our Federal Constitution, wholly new. Pelatiah Webster, in 1783, first expressed the idea that a Federal Government cst quoted then clearly shows that the idea, first conceived by Pelatiah Webster, that a supreme Federal Government might be formed acting direiled, both north and south, is equally demonstrated by history. Mr. Webster (Daniel) himself, when, in one of his later speeches, he said: I
Mary Barksdale Newton (search for this): chapter 1.48
The right of secession—a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished by Mary Barksdale Newton, in memory of her husband, Virginius Newton, of Richmond, Va. The Hermitage Press, Inc., 1907, Richmond, Va. As expressed in its preface: It is not the design of this book to open the subject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in
Albert Taylor Bledsoe (search for this): chapter 1.48
The right of secession—a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wil a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished ent could be formed that should act, not on the States, but directly on individuals. (To him Dr. Bledsoe refers in note on page 52 of the work under review, but inadvertently gives the credit of thend to keep the compact. A bargain broken on one side is broken on all sides (see page 101 of Dr. Bledsoe's work), appears not to have had clearly defined in his mind the idea for which he had in forso made, it was but following the dictates of the highest patriotism and loyalty to truth, as Dr. Bledsoe clearly demonstrates, for all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion to hazard
Robert Edward Lee (search for this): chapter 1.48
in memory of her husband, Virginius Newton, of Richmond, Va. The Hermitage Press, Inc., 1907, Richmond, Va. As expressed in its preface: It is not the design of this book to open the subject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion. The recent Confederate Reunion at Richmond; Va., where gathered once again the survivors of the historic struggle of 1861-5, makes timely the republication of the work under review; and, as a valuable contribution to the history of this subject, this work should be included in all public libraries and generally read. It is true that it cannot be claimed for this work that it is a dispassionate summary of the arguments wh
Gouverneur Morris (search for this): chapter 1.48
s many of such arguments, pro and con, in a new and forceful way, and no student of the subject should lose the benefit of the reasoning and of the historic research displayed in this work. Preamble to the Constitution. The history of the authorship of the initial clause of our Federal Constitution, We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union . . . do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of Ameica; and of the writing of it by Gouverneur Morris, the draftsman of the committee on style; and of its adoption by the whole convention in absolute silence, is peculiarly instructive and interesting reading. In this connection will be remembered Mr. Calhoun's suggestion, in his debate with Mr. Webster in 1833, that this phraseology—We, the people, etc.—was used as expressing only the condition of the people under the old Confederacy and before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, as it speaks of a time before such adoption, an
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 1.48
The right of secession—a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished by Mary Barksdale Newton, in memory of her husband, Virginius Newtoubject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion. The recent Confederate Reunion at Richmond; Va., where gathered once again the survivors of the historic struggle of 1
Hannis Taylor (search for this): chapter 1.48
ividuals might surrender certain natural rights—seems not to have been clearly defined. He saw as but through a glass, darkly on this subject. In truth neither he nor any of his contemporaries had any aid toward reaching the conclusion that a divided sovereignty might be made absolute, from any historic light upon the matter. Hannis Taylors view. As we now know, as expressed by many modern writers and speakers, but by none more clearly and suscinctly than by the learned author, Mr. Hannis Taylor, in his article in the North American Review (Vol. 185, No. 8, pp. 816-7): From the days of the Greek Leagues down to the making of the present Constitution of the United States, all Federal Governments have been constructed upon a single plan, at once clumsy and inefficient. The most perfect of the Greek Leagues was the Achaian, of which the founders realy knew nothing . . . The only Federal Governments with whose internal organizations the builders of the Federal Republic
Frederick Wilmer Sims (search for this): chapter 1.48
The right of secession—a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished by Mary Barksdale Newton, in memory of her husband, Virginius Newton, of Richmond, Va. The Hermitage Press, Inc., 1907, Richmond, Va. As expressed in its preface: It is not the design of this book to open the subject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in
Stonewall Jackson (search for this): chapter 1.48
o vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion. The recent Confederate Reunion at Richmond; Va., where gatject, even in the North, contrary to the historic view of it, which prevailed almost unanimously in the South. As Mr. Henderson, in his most admirable work (Stonewall Jackson, Vol. I., page 117), says: Mr. Lincoln's predecessor in the presidential chair had publicly proclaimed that coercion was both illegal and inexpedient; afought for the Union was neither purer nor more ardent than the patriotism of those who fought for States' rights. Long ago, a Parliament of that nation to which Jackson and so many of his compatriots owed their origin, made petition to the Pope that he should require the English King to respect the independence of Scotland, and m
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