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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 35. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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1787 AD (search for this): chapter 1.48
ceded by Mr. Webster (strange as it may seem now, reviewing the question from his standpoint), that it would inevitably result from this that, whatever sovereign States may have bound together, they could put asunder. But did this conclusion necessarily follow? Viewing the question in the light of past history alone, it would seem that it did. Assigning to sovereign States the attributes therefore considered as inhering in the very nature of sovereignty, it would seem that the States of 1787 could not, in order to form a more perfect union, or for any other purpose, yield and surrender any portion of their sovereignty in such a manner as to bind posterity. Virginia S action. Virginia, indeed, that there might be left no doubt as to her conception of this matter, acting for her people, in her ordinance of ratification of the Federal Constitution, expressly reserved the right to resume the powers delegated to the Federal Government, whenever the same shall be perverted to the
1907 AD (search for this): chapter 1.48
able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished by Mary Barksdale Newton, in memory of her husband, Virginius Newton, of Richmond, Va. The Hermitage Press, Inc., 1907, Richmond, Va. As expressed in its preface: It is not the design of this book to open the subject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion. The recent Confeder
1865 AD (search for this): chapter 1.48
ct of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in the great war of coercion. The recent Confederate Reunion at Richmond; Va., where gathered once again the survivors of the historic struggle of 1861-5, makes timely the republication of the work under review; and, as a valuable contribution to the history of this subject, this work should be included in all public libraries and generally read. It is true that it cannot be claimed for this work that it is a dispassionate summary of the arguments which have been advanced on both sides of the great question which it discusses. It was written too close to the culmination of the deadly strife in arms for this to be expected. It does not cont
1783 AD (search for this): chapter 1.48
ocial compact, discussed by numerous European writers, —some treating such contract or compact as having been in fact made, some as wholly imaginary and some as implied,— was familiar to the framers of our Federal Constitution. But the conception that a sovereign State could make such surrender, absolutely, of certain sovereign rights, in order to form civil society or government, was, at the time of the formation and adoption of our Federal Constitution, wholly new. Pelatiah Webster, in 1783, first expressed the idea that a Federal Government could be formed that should act, not on the States, but directly on individuals. (To him Dr. Bledsoe refers in note on page 52 of the work under review, but inadvertently gives the credit of the idea mentioned to Noah Webster.) The former, it is true, conceived the idea of the possibility of a divided sovereignty; but even by him, the idea that the States could surrender, absolutely, certain sovereign rights—as individuals might surrender c<
October 27th, 1907 AD (search for this): chapter 1.48
The right of secession—a Review of Bledsoe's able work. From the Times-dispatch, October 20-27, 1907. An Epitome of the views of Webster, Calhoun and other famous statesmen. By Frederick Wilmer Sims, Louisa, Va. Is Davis a Traitor, or Was Secession a Constitutional Right, Previous to the War of 1861? By Albert Taylor Bledsoe, A. M., L. L. D., late professor of mathematics in the University of Virginia. Republished by Mary Barksdale Newton, in memory of her husband, Virginius Newton, of Richmond, Va. The Hermitage Press, Inc., 1907, Richmond, Va. As expressed in its preface: It is not the design of this book to open the subject of secession (but merely to discuss that subject from the standpoint of abstract right), in order to vindicate the character of the South for loyalty, and to wipe off the charges of treason and rebellion from the names and memories of Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee and all who fought and suffered in t
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