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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 37. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Hilton Head (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
nally told Mr. Greeley that I would consult with some of our common friends, whose countenance would give strength to such an undertaking, if it were discovered to be right, and that none but Republicans and some of the radical kind were likely to be of positive aid. Indeed, any other would have been injurious. It occurred to me, from recollecting conversations with Mr. Henry Wilson, Since the Vice-President of the United States. the previous April, while we were together at Hilton Head, South Carolina, that if Mr. Davis were guiltless of this latter offence, an avenue might be opened for a speedy trial, or for his manumission as any other prisoner of war. I did consult with such friends, and Mr. Henry Wilson, Governor John A. Andrew, Mr. Thaddeus Stephens, Then the acknowledged leader of the radical and controlling wing of the Republican party in the House of Representatives. and Mr. Gerrit Smith were among them. The result was that I thereupon undertook to do whatever beca
Montreal (Canada) (search for this): chapter 1.20
is matter. At the instance of Mr. Greeley, Mr. Wilson, and, as I was given to understand, of Mr. Stevens, I went to Canada the first week in January, 1866, taking Boston on my route, there to consult with Governor Andrew and others. While at Montreal General John C. Breckinridge came from Toronto, at my request, for the purpose of giving me information. There I had placed in my posession the official archives of the Government of the Confederate States, which I read and considered, especialfriend. The apparent unwillingness of the Government to prosecute, under every incentive of pride and honor to prosecute, was accepted by those gentlemen and the others whom I have mentioned as a confirmation of the information given to me at Montreal, and of its entire accuracy. These men—Andrew, Greeley, Smith and Wilson—have each passed from this life. The history of their efforts to bring all parts of our common country once more and abidingly into unity, peace and concord, See App
Capitol Hill (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
of its entire accuracy. These men—Andrew, Greeley, Smith and Wilson—have each passed from this life. The history of their efforts to bring all parts of our common country once more and abidingly into unity, peace and concord, See Appendix, page 252. and of Mr. Greeley's enormous sacrifice to compel justice to be done to one man, and he an enemy, should be written. I will add a single incident tending the same way. In a consultation with Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, at his residence on Capitol Hill, at Washington, in May, 1866, he related to me how the Chief of this Military Bureau showed him the evidence upon which the proclamation was issued charging Davis and Clay with complicity in the assassination of Mr. Lincoln. He said that he refused to give the thing any support, and that he told that gentleman the evidence was insufficient in itself, and incredible. I am not likely ever to forget the earnest manner in which Mr. Stevens then said to me: Those men are no friends of mine.
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
to a trial before a military tribunal; the testimony before the Judiciary Committee of the House, all of it bearing directly, if not conclusively, on a certain intention to take the life of Mr. Lincoln, is a most important element in the case. This was reported as from the pen of Mr. John W. Forney himself, then Clerk of the Senate, and is cited by me as an expression of a general tone of the press on that occasion. Then, the House of Representatives, on the motion of Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, the following day passed a resolution that it was the opinion of the House that Jefferson Davis should be held in custody as a prisoner and subject to trial according to the laws of the land. It was adopted by a vote of 105 to 19. It is very suggestive to reflect just here that, in the intermediate time, Mr. Clement C. Clay had been discharged from imprisonment without being brought to trial on either of these charges upon which he had been arrested, and for which arrest the $100,00
Savannah (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
debate on the proposed Amnesty Bill, was more entirely correct than, perhaps, he had reason to credit. What I now relate are facts: Mr. Horace Greeley received a letter, dated June 22, 1865, from Mrs. Jefferson Davis. It was written at Savannah, Georgia, where Mrs. Davis and her family were then detained under a sort of Military restraint. Mr. Davis himself, recently taken prisoner, was at Fortress Monroe; and the most conspicuous special charge threatened against him by the Bureau of Milions might be as publicly met, and her husband, as she insisted could be done, readily vindicated. To this letter Mr. Greeley at once forwarded an answer for Mrs. Davis, directed to the care of General Burge, commanding our military forces at Savannah. The morning of the next day Mr. Greely came to my residence in this city, placed the letter from Mrs. Davis in my hand, saying that he could not believe the charge to be true; that aside from the enormity and want of object, it would have been
Saint Petersburg (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
, aided by Mr. Sumner, recommending the trial of Jefferson Davis and Clement C. Clay before a military tribunal or court-martial, for charges mentioned in the report of the Secretary of War, of March 4, 1866. It will be interesting to mention now that if a trial proceeded in this manner, I was then credibly informed, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens had volunteered as counsel for Mr. Clay. This has been since verified by the Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, lately United States Minister Plenipotentiary at St. Petersburg, upon information given to him by the literary executor of the late Mr. Stevens. After it had become evident that there was no immediate prospect of any trial, if any prospect at all, the counsel for Mr. Davis became anxious that their client be liberated on bail, and one of them consulted with Mr. Greeley as to the feasibility of procuring some names as bondsmen of persons who had conspicuously opposed the war of secession. This was found quite easy; and Mr. Gerrit Smith and Commod
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
ment concerning the imputed special causes of his long imprisonment by the Government of the United States, and of his Tardy Release by due process of law. Contained in a letter from the Honourae, from recollecting conversations with Mr. Henry Wilson, Since the Vice-President of the United States. the previous April, while we were together at Hilton Head, South Carolina, that if Mr. Davimation. There I had placed in my posession the official archives of the Government of the Confederate States, which I read and considered, especially all those messages and other acts of the Executivs counsel for Mr. Clay. This has been since verified by the Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, lately United States Minister Plenipotentiary at St. Petersburg, upon information given to him by the literary exwas made a State prisoner. He had previously been publicly charged, by the President of the United States, with conspiring to assassinate President Lincoln, and $100,000 offered for his capture ther
Fortress Monroe (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
ceived a letter, dated June 22, 1865, from Mrs. Jefferson Davis. It was written at Savannah, Georgia, where Mrs. Davis and her family were then detained under a sort of Military restraint. Mr. Davis himself, recently taken prisoner, was at Fortress Monroe; and the most conspicuous special charge threatened against him by the Bureau of Military Justice was of guilty knowledge relating to the assassination of President Lincoln. The principal purpose of the letter was, imploring Mr. Greeley to d people to infer that Mr. Wilson, at least, was not under the too common delusion that the Government really had a case on either of these two particular charges against Mr. Davis individually; and a short time after this Mr. Wilson went to Fortress Monroe and saw Mr. Davis. The visit was simply friendly, and not for any purpose relating to his liberation On May 14, 1867, Mr. Davis was delivered to the civil authority; was at once admitted to bail, Mr. Greeley and Mr. Gerrit Smith going pe
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
he imputed special causes of his long imprisonment by the Government of the United States, and of his Tardy Release by due process of law. Contained in a letter from the Honourable George Shea, of New York, one of his counsel. Preparatory notice. During the session, 1875-6, of the Congress of the United States, a bill was introduced to grant universal amnesty to all persons engaged on the Southern side in the late war between those States. Mr. Blaine, now the Senator from the State of Maine, urged upon the House that the bill should by name exclude the Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the late Southern Confederacy, from the intended beneficial relief of the proposed legislation, for the reason that Mr. Davis had conducted the war in a manner not permitted by the rules of civilized nations, especially in the treatment of prisoners. Mr. Blaine's speech was very violent, and intended to further increase any unfriendly feeling which may yet exist against Mr. Davis, and,
Alexandria (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.20
names as bondsmen of persons who had conspicuously opposed the war of secession. This was found quite easy; and Mr. Gerrit Smith and Commodore Vanderbilt were selected, and Mr. Greeley, in case his name should be found necessary. All this could not have been accomplished had not those gentlemen, and others in sympathy with them, been already convinced that those charges against Mr. Davis were unfounded in fact. So an application was made on June 11, 1866, to Mr. Justice Underwood, at Alexandria, Va., for a writ of habeas corpus, which, after argument, was denied, upon the ground that Jefferson Davis was arrested under a proclamation of the President charging him with complicity in the assassination of the late President Lincoln. He has been held, says the decision, ever since, and is now held, as a military prisoner. The Washington Chronicle of that date insisted that the case is one well entitled to a trial before a military tribunal; the testimony before the Judiciary Committe
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