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ylvania to render aid in the war had engaged the attention of the ministry, Sir Dudley Rider and Lord Mansfield, then William Murray, declared, that a colonial assembly cannot be compelled to do more towards their own defence than they shall see fit,cil of crown officers. No power but that of parliament can overrule the colonial assemblies. Such was the doctrine of Murray, who was himself able to defend his system, being unrivalled in debate, except by William Pitt alone. The advice of thisapable of unwearied labor, bold, and somewhat extravagant in his style of eloquence, yet surpassed, as a debater, only by Murray and Pitt, he was introduced to office through the commission for the colonies. His extraordinary and restless ability raures, was the earliest as well as the latest political problem which Charles Townshend attempted to solve. At that time, Murray, as crown lawyer, ruled the cabinet on questions of legal right; Dorset, the father of Lord George Germain, was president
the Solicitor, F. J. Paris, in James Alexander to C. Golden, 25 Sept., 1749. on the political aspect of the plantations. The opinions of Sir Dudley Rider and William Murray were before them. They agreed, that all accounts concurred in representing New Jersey as in a state of disobedience to law and government, attended with circestablishing the power of the people. The agents of the American royalists continued indefatigable in their solicitations. They had the confidential advice of Murray, Solicitor Murray advised Mr. Catherwood not to leave the Sharpes, for they were by far the best hands one could be in for interest with the ministry. Letter ofSolicitor Murray advised Mr. Catherwood not to leave the Sharpes, for they were by far the best hands one could be in for interest with the ministry. Letter of Gov. Clinton of 9 Feb., 1749. who instructed them how best to increase their influence with the ministry. To this end they also fomented a jealous fear of the levelling principles which had crept into New York and New Jersey, and which were believed to prevail in New England and Pennsylvania. Drink Lord Halifax in a bumper, were
merican silk, it is true, was admitted into London duty-free, but the wants of the wilderness left no leisure to feed the silkworm and reel its thread; nor had the cultivator learned to gather cotton from the down of the cotton plant; the indigent, for whom charity had proposed a refuge, murmured at an exile that had sorrows of its own; the few men of substance withdrew to Carolina. In December, 1751, the trustees unanimously desired to surrender their charter, and, with the approbation of Murray, Chalmers' Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i., 187, 188. all chap. VI.} 1754. authority for two years emanated from the king alone. In 1754, Lords of Trade to Governor Reynolds, 24 July, 1754. Sir James Wright to Hillsborough, 28 Feb., 1771. when the first royal governor with a royal council entered upon office, a legislative assembly convened under the sanction of his commission. The crown instituted the courts, and appointed executive officers and judges, with fixed salaries paid by
ely a subordinate at the Board of Trade, was selected for the Southern, with the management of the new House of Commons. The duke, said Pitt, might as well send his jackboot to lead us. The House abounded in noted men. Besides Pitt, and Fox, and Murray, the heroes of a hundred magnificent debates, there was the universally able Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Hardwicke, 6 April, 1764, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 106. George Grenville; the solemn Sir George Lyttleton, known as a poet, historian anded hereditary affections and the monarchical propensities of the rural districts of the nation; till at last their fundamental measures had ceased to clash with the sentiment of the people, and the whole aristocracy had accepted their doctrines. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, called himself a Whig, was one of the brightest ornaments of the party, and after Hardwicke, their oracle on questions of law. Cumberland, Newcastle, Devonshire, Bedford, Halifax, and the Marquis of Rockingham, were al
ppressors, it was told them from the governor, If chap. VIII.} 1755. they do not do it in proper time, the soldiers shall absolutely take their houses for fuel. The unoffending sufferers submitted meekly to the tyranny. Under pretence of fearing that they might rise in behalf of France, or seek shelter in Canada, or convey provisions to the French garrisons, they were directed to surrender their boats and their firearms; Memorials of the Deputies of Minas and Pisiquid, delivered to Captain Murray, 10 June, 1755. and, conscious of innocence, they gave up their barges and their muskets, leaving themselves without the means of flight, and defenceless. Further orders were afterwards given to the English officers, if the Acadians behaved amiss to punish them at discretion; if the troops were annoyed, to inflict vengeance on the nearest, whether the guilty one or not,—taking an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. The French had yielded the sovereignty over no more than the pen
ith which Loudoun was sent forth to unite America by military rule, to sway its magistrates by his authority, and to make its assemblies distinctly and precisely understand that the king required of them a general fund, to be issued and applied as the commander-in-chief should direct, and provision for all such charges as might arise from furnishing quarters. The administration was confirmed in its purpose of throwing the burden of furnishing quarters upon the colonies by the authority of Murray. His opinion against the statute of Pennsylvania, which, in extending the act of parliament to punish mutiny, regulated the providing of quarters, drew a distinction between Englishmen and Americans. The law, said he, assumes propositions true in the mother country, and rightly asserted in the reign of Charles the First and Charles the Second, in times of peace, and when soldiers were kept up without the consent of parliament; but the application of such positions, in tine of war, in the
nd; that free ships make free goods. Against this interpretation of public law, the learning of Murray had been called into service; and, pleading ancient usage against the lessons of wiser times, hech formed the basis of English policy and Admiralty law, Representation to the King (drawn by Murray), 18 January, 1753. Duke of Newcastle to Michell, Secretary to the Prussian Embassy at London, 8the effects of an enemy can be seized on board the vessel of a friend. This may be proved, said Murray, by authority; and the illustrious jurist did not know that humanity appeals from the despotic cable; Fox to the Duke of Newcastle, 13 Oct. 1756. and he left the cabinet. At the same time Murray declared that he, too, would serve as Attorney-General no longer; he would be Lord Chief Justice's Life of Lord Northington, 22-24. the influence of Bute and Leicester House prevailed to bring Murray as Lord Mansfield upon the Bench, and into the House of Peers. Bute in Adolphus's History of
th a garrison of seven thousand men, under the command of the brave but shallow Murray. When De Levi found it impossible to surprise the place in mid-winter, he stilly rejected the opinion, that it was able to hold out a considerable siege; and Murray, the commander, himself prepared for the last extremity, by selecting the Isle s the river opened, De Levi proceeded with an army of less than ten thousand Murray in his official account writes 15,000, and in the same letter comes down to 10,h firmness, and returned the attack with ardor. In danger of being surrounded, Murray was obliged to fly, leaving his very fine train of artillery, and losing a thoue English. Memoires, 183. L'on perdit dans le choc environ 800 hommes. though Murray's report increased it more than eight-fold. During the two next days, De Levi g the rapids, on the seventh of September he met before Montreal the army under Murray, who, as he came up from Quebec, had intimidated the people-and amused himself
burdened with restrictions and heavy fines. The men who held the plough were tenants and vassals, of whom few could either write or read. No village school was open for their instruction; nor was there one printing press in either Canada General Murray to the Earl of Egremont, Quebec, 5 June, 1762: The former government would never suffer a printing press in the country. And again Gen. Murray to Secretary Shelburne, 30 August, 1766: They are very ignorant, and it was the policy of the FrenGen. Murray to Secretary Shelburne, 30 August, 1766: They are very ignorant, and it was the policy of the French government to keep them so; few or none can read; printing was never permitted in Canada, till we got possession of it. or Louisiana. The central will of the administration, though checked chap XX.} 1763. by concessions of monopolies, was neither guided by local legislatures, nor restrained by parliaments or courts of law. But France was reserved for a nobler influence in the New World, than that of propagating institutions, which in the Old World were giving up the ghost; nor had Providen