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ork, from New-Jersey to Georgia. In Pennsylvania they peopled many coun- chap. IV.} 1763. ties, till, in public life, they already balanced the influence of the Quakers. In Virginia, they went up the valley of the Shenandoah; and they extended themselves along the tributaries of the Catawba, in the beautiful upland region of North Carolina. Their training in Ireland had kept the spirit of liberty and the readiness to resist unjust government as fresh in their hearts, as though they had just been listening to the preachings of Knox, or musing over the political creed of the Westminster Assembly. They brought to America no submissive love for England; and their experience and their religion alike bade them meet oppression with prompt resistance. We shall find the first voice publicly raised in America to dissolve all connection with Great Britain came, not from the Puritans of New-England, or the Dutch of New-York, or the planters of Virginia, but from Scotch-Irish Presbyterians.
dence, III. 210. In the council, in which Townshend took a place, there was Bute, its chief, having the entire confidence of his sovereign; the proud restorer of peace, fully impressed with the necessity of bringing the colonies into order, Knox, agent of Georgia. In Extra-official State Papers, II. 29. and ready to give his support to the highest system of authority of Great Britain over America. Being at the head of the Treasury, he was, in a special manner, responsible for every measa note to his Memoirs of Geo. III. III. 32, that the stamp act was a measure of Bute's ministry, at the suggestion of his secretary, Jenkinson, who afterwards brought it into the treasury for Grenville's adoption. Bute personally, as we know from Knox, wished to bring the colonies into order; but as every body about him wished the same, he probably thought not much about tile matter, but left it to others, and especially to Charles Townshend. Finally, Jenkinson himself, in the debate in the
ily. Moreover, he loved office, and loved it for its emoluments, Knox: Extra Official Papers, II. 34. and so inordinately, that, even agaihat it was a disinterested act, which only enriched his children; Knox: Extra-official Papers, II. 35. as if a miser hoards money for any oequent, long, and tedious speeches, it has been said that a trope Knox: Extra-official Papers. never passed his lips; but he abounded in reone of his subjects had given him the lie, applied Grenville, in Knox's Considerations on the Present State of the Nation. 48. to the CHout confirming himself in power Grenville's Account of himself to Knox. by diligence in the public business. His self-conceit, said Lord H Grenville was very ignorant as to the colonies we have a witness in Knox, who himself had held office in Georgia, and knew America from his os, on the repeal of the stamp act. for, in those days, emigration Knox, i. 23, Extra-official Papers, II. 23. was considered an evil. In l
om Henry McCulloh was volunteered or prepared at the request of Jenkinson. Wm. Knox, Extra Official Papers: The newly appointed governor, my earliest and most int Reed's Reed, i. 32, 33. Add to this, that. Immediately on the peace in 1762, Knox, who looked up to Ellis, put into Bute's hands a plan for reducing America. He ruples about taxing the colonies without first allowing them representatives. Knox, in a pamphlet, of which George Grenville was part author. It was settled then ted in the ministry of Bute, and was sure of the support of Charles Townshend. Knox, the agent of Georgia, stood ready to defend the stamp act, as least liable to obted the propriety of taxing colonies, without allowing them representatives; Knox: Extra-official State Papers, II. 31; and Grenville to Knox, 4 Sept. 1768; and GKnox, 4 Sept. 1768; and Grenville to T. Pownall. but he loved power, and placed his chief hopes on the favor of parliament; and the parliament of that day contemplated the increased debt of E
tecting themselves, and in aid of the great expense Great Britain put herself to on their account. No tax appears to me so easy and equitable as a stamp duty. W. Knox. It will fall only upon property, will be collected by the fewest officers, and will be equally spread over America and the West Indies. Israel Mauduit, in Massts now have it in their power, by agreeing to this tax, to establish a precedent for their being consulted before any tax is imposed on them by parliament; William Knox, agent for Georgia: The Claim of the Colonies to an Exemption from Internal Taxes imposed by authority of Parliament Examined; in a Letter from a Gentleman in . They were apprised that not a single member of either house doubted of the right of parliament to impose a stamp-duty or any other tax upon the colonies; William Knox, 33. and that every influence might be moved to induce them to yield, the king, in April, at the prorogation, gave to what he called the wise regulations of Gr
es, otherwise the liberties of America, I do not say will be lost, but will be in danger; and they cannot be injured without danger to the liberties of Great Britain. R. Jackson's Letter of 7 June, 1765, in Connecticut Gazette, of 9 Aug. 1765. Knox's Extra-official State Papers, II. 31. R. Jackson to William Johnson, 5 April, 1774, and 30 November, 1784. Thus calmly reasoned Jackson. Grenville urged chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. the house not to suffer themselves to be moved by resentment. On, wrote Franklin Franklin to Ross, 14 Feb. 1765. to a friend in Philadelphia, never doubting it would go into effect, and looking for relief to the rapid increase of the people of America. The agent for Massachusetts had recommended the tax. Knox, The Claim of the Colonies to Exemption from Taxes Imposed by Parliament Examined, 1765. the agent for Georgia, wrote publicly in its favor. The honest but eccentric Thomas Pownall, who had been so much in the colonies, and really had an affec
eech to the General Assembly of North Carolina, 2 May, 1765. acted as Governor, the majority of the legislature were even persuaded by him to make provision for the support of the Church of England, so that dissenters themselves, who more and more abounded in that colony, should not be exempted from sharing the cost of the established religion. In Georgia, the stamp duty chap. XIII.} 1765. May. seemed as equal as any that could be generally imposed on the colonies; Georgia Committee to Knox, 15 April, 1765. though the manner of imposing it greatly inspired alarm. While the act was in abeyance, Hutchinson had, in letters to England, pleaded for the ancient privilege of the colonies with regard to internal taxes; but, on learning the decision of parliament, he made haste to say, that it could be to no purpose to claim a right of exemption, when the whole body of the people of England were against it. He was only waiting to know what more parliament would do towards raising the
he circulation from the human heart, active, vigorous, and perfect in the smallest fibre of the arterial system, may be known in the colonies by the prohibition of their carrying a hat to market over the line of one province into another; or by breaking down a loom in the most distant corner of the British empire in America; Moffat. and if this power were denied, I would not permit them to manufacture a lock of wool, or form a horse-shoe, or a hob-nail. Moffat. Compare Geo. Grenville to Knox, 15 Aug. 1768. Extra-Official State Papers, II. Appendix, No. 3. p. 15. But I repeat, the house has no right to lay an internal tax upon America, that country not being represented. I know not what we may hope or fear from those now in place; but I have confidence in their good intentions. I could not refrain from expressing the reflections I have made in my retirement, which I hope long to enjoy, French Precis. beholding, as I do, ministries changed one after another, and passing aw