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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 58 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 16 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Thomas Whately or search for Thomas Whately in all documents.

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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Preface. (search)
ranklin; the copious and most interesting, official and private Correspondence of William Samuel Johnson, Agent for Connecticut; one letter and fragments of letters of Edmund Burke, Agent for New-York; many and exceedingly valuable ones, of Garth a Member of Parliament and Agent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox and Franklin, as Agents of Georgia. Analogous to these are the confidential communications which passed between Hutchinson and Israel Mauduit and Thomas Whately; between one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania and Deputy Governor Hamilton; between Cecil Calvert and Hugh Hammersley, successive Secretaries of Maryland, and Lieutenant Governor Sharpe; between Ex-Governor Pownall and Dr. Cooper of Boston; between Hollis and Mayhew and Andrew Eliot of Boston. Of all these I have copies. Of the letter-books and drafts of letters of men in office, I had access to those of Bernard for a single year; to those of Hutchinson for many years; to that of
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 27: (search)
on of the Sons of Liberty had been dissolved; and all efforts to keep up its glorious spirit, were subor dinated to loyalty. Isaac Sears, John Lamb, and others to Nicholas Ray, New-York, 10 Oct. 1766. A few individuals Andrew Oliver to Thomas Whately, 7 May, 1767, in Letters, &c., 19. at Boston, Chap. XXVII.} 1766. Oct. having celebrated the anniversary of the outbreak against the Stamp Act, care was taken to report, how healths had been drunk to Otis, the American Hampden, who first pro selfish client may obtain from an intriguing patron, was sent over as the representative of the colonial Crown Officers Candidus, in Boston Gazette, 9 Sept. 1771., with special authority to appear as the friend of Oliver Compare Oliver to Whately, 7 May, 1767. and of Hutchinson. Hutchinson to R. Jackson, introducing Paxton; date not given, but evidently of Oct. 1766. We are drawing near the measures which compelled the insurrection of the colonies; but all the stars in their cours
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 29: (search)
yon, who, under a smooth exterior, concealed the heart of a savage. The Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina was a man of sense; but his moderation was soon to draw upon him a rebuke. Sir James Wright, in Georgia, and Carlton, in Quebec, were strenuous supporters of power. The attention of the British Government and of Parliament was drawn chiefly towards Massachusetts, where Bernard, Bernard to Shelburne, 6 May, 1767. Hutchinson, Chap XXIX.} 1767. April. and Oliver, Oliver to T. Whately, 7 May, 1767. with perseverance equalled only by their duplicity, sought to increase their emoluments, to free themselves from their dependence on the people for a necessary support, and to consolidate their authority by the presence of a small standing army. The opinions of Hutchinson were of peculiar importance, for while he assented to Bernard's views, and was forming relations with Israel Mauduit and Whately, and through them with Jenkinson, Grenville and Wedderburn, his plausible let
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 30: (search)
. Message of Moore of 18 Nov. 1767. Board of Trade to the King, 7 May, 1768. and the Assembly went on as though nothing had happened. The health of Chatham was all the while growing worse; and his life began to be despaired of. His letters were kept from him. Lady Chatham to Grafton, North End, 31 July, 1767. Of the transactions that were going forward, he was scarce even a spectator, and seemed to be unconcerned in the event. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 10 June, 16 June, 8 July, 1767. T. Whately to Lord Temple, 30 July, 1767. About nine o'clock in the evening of the twentieth, the leaders of the two branches of the Oligarchy met at Newcastle House. When Rockingham had explained the purpose of the meeting, Bedford, on behalf of Temple and Grenville, Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; Temple to Rigby, 16 July, 1767. Joint letter of Temple and Grenville, 17 July, 1767. declared their readiness to support a comprehensive administration, provided it adopted the capital measure
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 33: (search)
own officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede GrafWhately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede Grafton. Bernard, on his part, addressed his importunities to Hillsborough; and asked leave to become an informer, under an assurance that no exposure should be made of his letters. Bernard to Hillsborough, 12 May, 1768. Yet how could public measures be properly founded on secret communications, known only to the Minister and the King? Should the right of the humblest individual to confront witnesses against him be held sacred? and should rising nations be exposed to the loss of chartered p
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 34: (search)
cause he with his company of the Boston Cadets had refused to act as escort, A. Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. on the day of the General Election, if they were in the procession; and partlbarges, the sloop was towed away to the Romney. A crowd of boys and negroes Hutchinson to Whately, Boston, 18 June, 1768. gathered at the heels Affidavits of Harrison the Collector, B. Halluiet. On Saturday nothing indicated a recurrence of riots; and the Council Hutchinson to T. Whately, Boston, 18 June, 1768. Compare also T. Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768, in Grenville PapT. Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768, in Grenville Papers, IV. 322. had only to appoint a committee to ascertain the facts attending the seizure by the examination of witnesses on the following Monday. The Commissioners had not been harmed, nor approaof all the friends to government, that Boston would be in open rebellion. Charles Paxton to T. Whately, in the Letters, &c. 41. To interpret and enforce the correspondence, Hallowell, the comptroll
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 35: (search)
nd early in August, most of the merchants of the town of Boston subscribed an agreement, that they would not send for any kind of merchandise from Great Britain, some few articles of necessity excepted, during the year following the first day of January, 1769; and that they would not import any tea, paper, glass, paints or colors, until the act imposing duties upon them should be repealed. State of the Disorders, Confusions, &c. Bernard to Hillsborough, 9 August, 1768; and Hutchinson to T. Whately, 10 August, 1768. On the anniversary of the fourteenth of August, Frances to Choiseul, 29 Sept. 1768; Bernard to Hillsborough, 29 August, 1768. the streets of Boston resounded with songs in praise of freedom; and its inhabitants promised themselves that all ages would applaud their courage. Come, join hand in hand, brave Americans all, By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall; To die we can bear, but to serve we disdain; For shame is to Freedom more dreadful than pain. In freedom w
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 36: (search)
e intent of the Statute. In the very beginning of the coercive measures, Boston gained a moral victory; it placed itself on the side of law; and proved its enemies to be lawbreakers. The immediate effect of the publication was, says Bernard, Supplement to Bernard to Hillsborough, No. 24, of 27 Sept. 1768. the greatest blow that had been given to the King's Government. Chap. XXXVI.} 1768. Sept. Nine tenths of the people considered the declaration of the Council just. Hutchinson to T. Whately, Boston, 4 Oct. 1768. Throughout the Province they were ripe for almost any thing. Andrew Eliot to T. Hollis, 27 Sept. 1768. The British Ministry, never dared seriously to insist on the provision for the troops required by the Billeting Act. The Convention, which remained but six days in session, repeated the Protest of Massachusetts against taxation of the Colonies by the British Parliament; against a standing army; against the danger to the liberties of America from a united body o
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 37: (search)
e authority of Government. Gage to Hillsborough, 31 Oct. 1768; Letters to Hillsborough, 33, 34. Bernard to Hillsborough, 12 Nov. 1768; Bernard to Secretary Pownall, 7 Nov. 1768. It was on every one's lips, that the die was thrown, Chap. XXXVII.} 1768. Oct. that they must wait for the event; but the parties who waited, were each in a different frame of mind. A troublesome anxiety took possession of Bernard, who began to fear his recall, and intercede to be spared. Hutchinson to T. Whately, Boston, 17 Oct. 1768. These red coats make a formidable appearance, said Hutchinson, with an exulting countenance, and an air of complacency, buoyant with the prospect of rising one step higher. The soldiers liked the country they were come to, and, sure that none would betray them, soon deserted in numbers. Andrew Eliot to Thomas Hollis, 17 Oct. 1768. The Commissioners were more haughty than before, and gratified their malignity by arresting Hancock and Malcom on charges, confidently
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 39: (search)
on liable to its penalties. In letters to a member of that Parliament, Thos. Hutchinson to T. Whately, 20 Jan. 1769. whose authority he wished it made treasonable to deny,—written for public purpont. himself, to Temple, Almon's Biographical anecdotes of Eminent Men; II. 105. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seMr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seen by other gentlemen. This refers to the very letter of Hutchinson above cited. Almon is good authority for what relates to Temple. and to others,—he declared that measures which he could not thin into the minds of the people, wrote Hutchinson's brotherin-law, Oliver, Andrew Oliver to Thomas Whately, Boston, 13 Feb. 1769; in Letters, &c., 30, 31. if there be no way found to take off the oriary of W. S. Johnson; Cavendish Debates, i. 191 &c. Thomas Pownall to S. Cooper, 30 Jan. 1769. T. Whately to Hutchinson, 11 Feb. 1769. No lawyer, said Dowdeswell, will justify them; none but the House
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