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ts reduction; the next, by prohibiting the American fisheries, to starve New England; the next, to call out the savages on the rear of the colonies; the next, to excite a servile insurrection. Accordingly, Lord North on the day after Chatham's defeat, proposed to the commons a joint address to the king to declare that a rebellion existed in Massachusetts, and to pledge their lives and properties to its suppression. The colonies are not in a state of rebellion, Chap XX.} 1775. Feb. said Dunning; but resisting the attempt to establish despotism in America, as a prelude to the same system in the mother country. Opposition to arbitrary measures is warranted by the constitution, and established by precedent. Nothing but the display of vigor, said Thurlow, will prevent the American colonies becoming independent states. Grant, the same officer, who had been scandalously beaten at Pittsburg, and had made himself so offensive in South Carolina, asserted amidst the loudest cheering, t
terrors of legislation, next proposed to restrain the commerce of New England and exclude its fishermen from the Banks of Newfoundland. The best shipbuilders in the world were at Boston, and their yards had been closed; the New England fishermen were now to be restrained from a toil in which they excelled the world. Thus the joint right to the fisheries was made a part of the great American struggle. God and nature, said Johnston, have given that fishery to New England and not to Old. Dunning defended the right of the Americans to fish on the Banks. If rebellion is resistance to government, said Sir George Savile, it must sometimes be justifiable. May not a people, taxed without their Chap. XXII.} 1775. Feb. consent, and their petitions against such taxation rejected, their charters taken away without hearing, and an army let loose upon them without a possibility of obtaining justice, be said to be in justifiable rebellion? But the ministerial measure, which, by keeping the