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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 212 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 64 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 36 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 22 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 22 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 12 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for John Jay or search for John Jay in all documents.

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to supersede the old committee of correspondence by a new one of fifty, and its members were selected by open nomination. The choice included men from all classes. Nearly a third part were of those who followed the British standard to the last; others were lukewarm, unsteady, and blind to the nearness of revolution; others again were enthusiastic Sons of Liberty. The friends to government claimed that the majority was inflexibly loyal; the control fell into the hands of men who, like John Jay, still aimed at reconciling a continued dependence Chap. II.} 1774. May. on England with the just freedom of the colonies. Meantime, the port-act was circulated with incredible rapidity. In some places it was printed upon mourning paper with a black border, and cried about the streets as a barbarous murder; in others, it was burned with great solemnity in the presence of vast bodies of the people. On the seventeenth the representatives of Connecticut, with clear perceptions and firm co
, and exerted themselves strenuously to secure the management of affairs Chap. VI.} 1774. July. to men of property. For this end they relied on the ability of John Jay, a young lawyer of New York, whose name now first appears conspicuously in the annals of his country. Descended from Huguenot refugees, educated in the city at have been found; but they were both passed over by a great majority, and the committee nominated Philip Chap. VI.} 1774. July. Livingston, Alsop, Low, Duane, and Jay for the approval of the people. Of these five, Livingston as yet dreaded the thought of independence; Alsop was incompetent; Low was at heart a tory, as at a latergh Livingston being of the number, in their turn disavowed the committee from which they withdrew. The conservative party, on their side, offered resolutions which Jay had drafted, and which seemed to question the conduct of Boston in destroying the tea; but the people, moved by the eloquence of John Morin Scott, rejected the whol
onfederacy of widely extended territories, as a doubtful experiment, except under the moderating influence of a permanent executive. That the colonies, if disconnected from England, would fall into bloody dissensions among themselves, had been the anxious fear of Otis of Massa- Chap. IX.} 1774. Aug. chusetts; and was now the apprehension of Philip Livingston of New York. Union, with the security of all constitutional rights, under the auspices of the British king, was still the purpose of Jay and his intimate associates. This policy had brought all classes together, and loyal men who, like William Smith, were its advocates, passed for consistent, unshaken friends to their country and her liberties. The community did not as yet know with what sullen passion the idea had been trampled under foot by the British ministry, nor how it was hated by the British king; and as yet prudence suppressed every allusion to an appeal to arms. But the appeal was nearer at hand than the most saga
ere then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, represenas unanimously chosen. The body then named itself the congress, and its chairman the president. Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary from among the members themselves, but they found no suentire new government must be founded. I cannot yet think that all government is at an end, said Jay in reply, or that we came to frame an American constitution, instead of endeavoring to correct thhonor with the rest. To the proposal that congress the next day. should be opened with prayer, Jay and Rutledge objected, on account of the great diversity of religious sentiments. I am no bigot,ng of congress, Washington was present, standing in prayer, and Henry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingsto
o have the power of revising the acts of this body; which in its turn was to have a negative on British statutes relating to the colonies. I am as much a friend to liberty as exists, blustered Galloway, as he presented his insidious proposition, and no man shall go further in point of fortune or in point of blood, than the man who now addresses you. His scheme held out a hope of a continental union, which was the long cherished policy of New York; it was seconded by Duane, and advocated by Jay; but opposed by Lee Chap. XII.} 1774. Sept. of Virginia. Patrick Henry objected to entrusting the power of taxation to a council to be chosen not directly by the people, but indirectly by its representatives; and he condemned the proposal in all its aspects. The original constitution of the colonies, said he, was founded on the broadest and most generous base. The regulation of our trade compensates all the protection we ever experienced. We shall liberate our constituents from a corrupt
American congress also adopted another measure, which was without an example. It recognised the political existence and power of the people. While it refused to petition parliament, it addressed the people of the provinces from Nova Scotia to Florida, the people of Canada, the people of Great Britain; making the printing press its great ambassador to the rising power. Of the British people, congress entreated a return to the system of 1763: Prior to this era, said they in the language of Jay, you were content with wealth produced by our commerce. You restrained our trade in every way that could conduce to your emolument. You exercised unbounded sovereignty over the sea. Still assenting to these restrictions, they pleaded earnestly for the enjoyment of equal freedom, and demonstrated that a victory over the rights of America, would not only be barren of advantage to the English nation, but increase their public debt with its attendant pensioners and placemen, diminish their com
Vermont lands against the New Hampshire grants, under which populous villages had grown up. Both Tryon and Golden professed, moreover, a sincere desire to take part with the colony in obtaining a redress of all grievances, and an improvement of its constitution; and Dartmouth himself was made to express the hope of a happy accommodation upon some general constitutional plan. Such a union with the parent state, the New York committee declared to be the object of their earnest solicitude; even Jay held nothing in greater abhorrence than the malignant charge of aspiring after independence. If you find the complaints of your constituents to be well grounded, said Colden to the New York assembly in January, pursue the means of redress which the constitution has pointed out. Supplicate the throne, and our most gracious sovereign will hear and relieve you with paternal tenderness. In this manner the chain of union was to be broken, and the ministry to win over at least one colony to a s
short, while the whole continent are ardently wishing for peace upon such terms as can be acceded to by Englishmen, they are indefatigable in preparing for the last appeal. We speak the real sentiments of the confederated colonies, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, when we declare, that all the horrors of civil war will never compel America to submit to taxation by authority of parliament. The letter was signed by the chairman and eightyeight others of the committee, of whom the first was John Jay. They did this, knowing that at the time there were not five hundred pounds of powder in all the city, that several regiments were already ordered to New York, that it was commanded by Brooklyn heights, and that the deep water of its harbor exposed it on both sides to ships of war. The packet for England had hardly passed Sandy Hook, when on Saturday, the sixth of May, the delegates to the continental congress from Massachusetts and Connecticut, drew near. Three miles from the city, the
and Samuel Adams; John Adams, and Washington, and Richard Henry Lee; soon joined by Patrick Henry, and by George Clinton, Jay, and Jay's college friend, the younger Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Whom did they represent? and what were theirJay's college friend, the younger Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Whom did they represent? and what were their functions? They were committees from twelve colonies, deputed to consult on measures of conciliation, with no means of resistance to oppression beyond a voluntary agreement for the suspension of importations from Great Britain. They formed no cononduct themselves with regard to the regiments which were known to be under orders to that place; and with the sanction of Jay and his colleagues, they were instructed, not to oppose the landing of the troops, but not to suffer them to erect fortifi These were the considerations which swayed the Chap. XXXIV.} 1775. May. continental congress in the policy which it dictated to New York. They also induced John Jay of that colony to make the motion in congress for a second petition to the king.
Chapter 35: The revolution Emanates from the people. May, 1775. The motion of Jay was for many days the subject Chap. XXXV.} 1775. May 18. of private and earnest discussion; but the temper of the congress was still irresolute, when on the eighteenth of May they received the news of the taking of Ticonderoga. The achievement was not in harmony with their advice to New York; they for the time rejected the thought of invading Canada, and they were inclined even to abandon the conquest already made; though as a precaution they proposed to withdraw to the head of Lake George all the captured cannon and munitions of war, which on the restoration of peace were to be scrupulously returned. For many days the state of the union continued to engage the attention of congress in a committee of the whole. The bolder minds, yet not even all the delegates from New England, discerned the tendency of events towards an entire separation of the colonies from Britain. In the wide divis
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