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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

Your search returned 15 results in 9 document sections:

ore sought information respecting western affairs, continued his visits at the governor's house; the ball in honor of Lady Dunmore was well attended. Not till the offices of courtesy and of patriotism were fulfilled, did most of the burgesses return home, leaving their committee on duty. On the afternoon of Sunday the twenty-ninth, the letters from Boston reached Williamsburg. So important did they appear, that the next morning, at ten o'clock, the committee having called to their aid Washington and all other burgesses who were still in town, inaugurated a revolution. As they collectively numbered but twenty-five, they refused to assume the responsibility of definite measures of resistance; but as the province was without a legislature, they summoned a convention of delegates to be elected by the several counties, and to meet at the capital on the first day of the ensuing August. The rescue of freedom even at the cost of a civil war, a domestic convention of the people for the
re could be but one appeal. As to the further importation of slaves, their words were: We take this opportunity of declaring our most Chap. V.} 1774. July. earnest wishes to see an entire stop for ever put to such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade. These resolves which expressed the sense of the people of Fairfax county, were ordered to be presented to the first convention of Virginia. We are not contending against paying the duty of three-pence per pound on tea as burthensome, said Washington; No; it is the right only, that we have all along disputed. Beyond the Blue Ridge, the hardy emigrants on the banks of the Shenandoah, many of them Germans, met at Woodstock, and with Muhlenberg, then a clergyman, soon to be a military chief, devoted themselves to the cause of liberty. Higher up the Valley of Virginia, where the plough already vied with the rifle, and the hardy hunters, not always ranging the hills with their dogs for game, had also begun to till the soil, the summer o
ny slave or slaves imported by any other person, either from Africa, the West Indies, or any other place. On the affairs of Massachusetts the temper of the Virginians ran exceedingly high. An innate spirit of freedom, such were the words of Washington, tells me that the measures which the administration are most violently pursuing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice. He was certain that it was neither the wish nor the interest of any government on the continent, separately ore and fortitude to the severest test? Thus Washington reasoned privately with his friends. In the convention, Richard Henry Lee and Patrick Henry were heard with such delight that the one was compared to Cicero, the other to Demosthenes. But Washington, who never was able to see distress without a desire to assuage it, made the most effective speech when he uttered the wish to raise one thousand men, subsist them at his own expense, and march at their head for the relief of Boston. The res
recruits, Indians, and hirelings from the continent of Europe; again, he would bring the Americans to terms, by casting them off as fellow-subjects, and not suffering even a boat to go in or out of their harbors. All the while he was exerting himself to obtain payment for the tea as a prelude to reconciliation. His agents wrote to their friends in congress, urging concessions. Such was the advice of Church, in language affecting the highest patriotism; and an officer who had served with Washington sought to persuade his old companion in arms, that New England was conspiring for independ- Chap. XII.} 1774. Sept. ence. It was, moreover, insinuated, that if Massachusetts should once resume its old charter, and elect its governor, all New England would unite with her, and become strong enough to absorb the lands of other governments; that New Hampshire would occupy both slopes of the Green Mountains; that Massachusetts would seize the western territory of New York; while Connecticut
ince five only out of twelve parishes in the province were represented. But on the southern border, the inhabitants of the parish of St. John, chiefly descendants of New England people, mocked by the royalists as Puritans, Independents, republicans, or at least Oliverians, conformed to the resolutions of the continental congress, appointed Lyman Hall to represent them in Philadelphia, and set apart two hundred barrels of rice for their brethren in Boston. In Virginia all eyes turned to Washington as Jan. 17. the adviser in military affairs. On the seventeenth of January he presided over a meeting of the men of Fairfax county between sixteen and fifty years of age, who voted to enroll themselves in companies of sixty-eight men, under officers of their own choice. They also formed an association to defend their re ligion, laws, and rights. The committee of North- Chap. XIX.} 1775. Jan. ampton county offered a premium for the manufacture of gunpowder. Dunmore's excursion to the
shall consider the whole country in rebellion, and myself at liberty to annoy it by every possible means; and I shall not hesitate at reducing houses to ashes, and spreading devastation wherever I can reach. To the secretary of state he wrote: With a small body of troops and arms, I could raise such a force from among Indians, negroes, and other persons, as would soon reduce the refractory people of this colony to obedience. On Saturday, the twenty-ninth of April, there were at Fredericksburg upwards of six hundred well armed men. A council of one hundred and two weighed the moderating advice received from Washington and Peyton Randolph, and they agreed to disperse; yet not till they had pledged to each other their lives and fortunes, to reassemble at a moment's warning, and by force of arms to defend the law, the liberty, and rights of Virginia, or any sister colony, from unjust and wicked invasion. Did they forebode that the message from a sister colony was already on the wing?
Chapter 37: Massachusetts Asks for George Washington as com-mander in chief. June 1—June 17, 1775. in obedience to the injunctions of Lord North and Chlissimo whom Joseph Warren, Warren of Plymouth, Gerry and others desired, was Washington. The bearer of the letter who had been commissioned to explain more fully th to surpass all his countrymen in military capacity and skill. The choice of Washington as the general, would at once be a concession to prejudice and in itself the as voted June 15. to appoint a general. Johnson, of Maryland, nominated George Washington; and as he had been brought forward at the particular request of the peoply said, he was as fortunate as great and good. This also is the praise of Washington; that never in the tide of time has any man lived who had in so great a degrey in congress to maintain and assist him, and adhere to him, the said George Washington, Esquire, with their lives and fortunes in the same cause. By his commission,
Chapter 38: Prescott Occupies Breed's Hill. June 16—17, 1775. the army round Boston, of which Washington in Chap. XXXVIII.} 1775. June. person was soon to take command, was a mixed multitude, as yet, under very little discipline, order, or government. The province of Massachusetts had no executive head, and no unity even in the military department. Ward was enjoined to obey the decisions of the committee of safety, whose directions were intercepted on their way to him by the council of war. Thus want of confidence multiplied the boards to which measures were referred, till affairs wore an aspect of chaos. The real strength of the forces was far inferior to the returns. There were the materials for a good army in the private men, of whom great numbers were able bodied, active, and unquestionably brave, and there were also officers worthy of leading such men. But by a vicious system of recruiting, commissions were given to those who raised companies or regiments; and
ties of Devens, of Charlestown, himself a member of the committee of safety, Ward consented to order reinforcements; among them his own regiment, but it was too late. The whole number of Americans on the ground at that time, including all such as crossed the causeway seasonably to take part in the fight, according to the most solemn assurances of the officers who were in the action, to the testimony of eye witnesses, to contemporary inquirers, and to the carefully considered judgment of Washington, did not exceed one thousand five hundred men. Nor should history forget to record that, as in the army at Cambridge, so also in this gallant band, the free negroes of the colony had their representatives. For the right of free negroes to bear arms in the public defence was, at that day, as little disputed in New England as their other rights. They took their place not in a separate corps, but in the ranks with the white man, and their names may be read on the pension rolls of the cou