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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. Search the whole document.

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Brantz Meyer (search for this): chapter 1
General Greene. Mr. Seward, in the State Department, and his successor Mr. Fish, with equal friendliness furnished me with documents which I needed from our own records. The late Joseph H. Lewis intrusted to me the very voluminous professional and private correspondence of General Wayne. I was also aided materially by the late Governor Andrew and by Secretary Warner of Massachusetts, by the late Senator Mason of Virginia, by Mr. George S. Bryan, and by the never-failing friendship of Mr. Brantz Meyer, Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, and Mr. George H. Moore. On the character of Alexander Hamilton, I sought and obtained instruction from the late President Nott, as well as from the late Mr. Church, who was Hamilton's secretary in his last period of military service. On two points I follow the verbal communications of Madison; and it was not without fruit that I once passed a day with John Adams. With regard to the peace between the United States and England, I think I might say that my ma
Shelburne (search for this): chapter 1
or at Madrid, and to Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia. On the British side, I have the official letters of Shelburne and Secretary Townshend, and of every member of the British commission; beside a profusion of the private letters and papers of Shelburne and of Oswald. I have also the private papers, as well as the official ones, of Strachey; and the courtesy of the present head of the family voluntarily gave consent to the unrestricted use of them. The Marquis of Lansdowne, s generosity was all the greater, as Lord FitzMaurice will himself write a biography of his ancestor. The conduct of Shelburne, Townshend, and the younger Pitt, in 1782, in the negotiations for peace with America, are marked by liberality and cann of slavery in Massachusetts finds itself solved without going from home: the witness was at the door. The conduct of Shelburne in making peace between the two countries is made clear from his own words and acts. The part taken by Franklin in ini
Vergennes (search for this): chapter 1
ors in London and Paris were copied for me under his direction. They assist to define exactly the pressure under which Vergennes entered upon measures for mediation and for peace. Mr. Frederic Kapp rendered me the best service in negotiating on On the French side, I have papers drawn up for the guidance of the negotiation; the reports of Rayneval from England to Vergennes, repeated in the accounts addressed by Vergennes himself to Montmorin, the French ambassador at Madrid, and to Luzerne,Vergennes himself to Montmorin, the French ambassador at Madrid, and to Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia. On the British side, I have the official letters of Shelburne and Secretary Townshend, and of every member of the British commission; beside a profusion of the private letters and papers of Shelburne and of Os possible to place some questions of European as well as of American history in a clearer light. The embarrassments of Vergennes, arising alike from his entanglements respecting Gibraltar, and the urgency of his king for peace, explain and justify
Alexander Hamilton (search for this): chapter 1
r Andrew and by Secretary Warner of Massachusetts, by the late Senator Mason of Virginia, by Mr. George S. Bryan, and by the never-failing friendship of Mr. Brantz Meyer, Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, and Mr. George H. Moore. On the character of Alexander Hamilton, I sought and obtained instruction from the late President Nott, as well as from the late Mr. Church, who was Hamilton's secretary in his last period of military service. On two points I follow the verbal communications of Madison; and it in congress steadily voted against making the demand. The requirement of the change in the form of Oswald's commission, so grateful to the self-respect of America, is due exclusively to Jay. It is good to look away from the strifes of the present hour, to the great days when our country had for its statesmen Washington and John Adams, Jefferson and Hamilton, Franklin and Jay, and their compeers. The study of those times will always teach lessons of moderation, and of unselfish patriotism.
Edmond FitzMaurice (search for this): chapter 1
apers of Shelburne and of Oswald. I have also the private papers, as well as the official ones, of Strachey; and the courtesy of the present head of the family voluntarily gave consent to the unrestricted use of them. The Marquis of Lansdowne, of 1848, was persuaded that no letters existed from George the Third to his father while first minister; but assured me from his father that the king did nothing to obstruct the peace with the United States. Passing lately through London, Lord Edmond FitzMaurice was so good as to inform me that the numerous original letters of the king to Lord Shelburne had been discovered; and he allowed me to make transcripts from them all, as well as from fragments of Lord Shelburne's autobiography. This generosity was all the greater, as Lord FitzMaurice will himself write a biography of his ancestor. The conduct of Shelburne, Townshend, and the younger Pitt, in 1782, in the negotiations for peace with America, are marked by liberality and candor; b
Luzerne (search for this): chapter 1
r completeness are unique. Of the letters of the American commissioners, nearly all are in print; yet I have been able to make gleanings from unpublished papers of them all, and have full reports of their conversations with the British representatives. On the French side, I have papers drawn up for the guidance of the negotiation; the reports of Rayneval from England to Vergennes, repeated in the accounts addressed by Vergennes himself to Montmorin, the French ambassador at Madrid, and to Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia. On the British side, I have the official letters of Shelburne and Secretary Townshend, and of every member of the British commission; beside a profusion of the private letters and papers of Shelburne and of Oswald. I have also the private papers, as well as the official ones, of Strachey; and the courtesy of the present head of the family voluntarily gave consent to the unrestricted use of them. The Marquis of Lansdowne, of 1848, was persuaded tha
J. Carson Brevoort (search for this): chapter 1
Seward, in the State Department, and his successor Mr. Fish, with equal friendliness furnished me with documents which I needed from our own records. The late Joseph H. Lewis intrusted to me the very voluminous professional and private correspondence of General Wayne. I was also aided materially by the late Governor Andrew and by Secretary Warner of Massachusetts, by the late Senator Mason of Virginia, by Mr. George S. Bryan, and by the never-failing friendship of Mr. Brantz Meyer, Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, and Mr. George H. Moore. On the character of Alexander Hamilton, I sought and obtained instruction from the late President Nott, as well as from the late Mr. Church, who was Hamilton's secretary in his last period of military service. On two points I follow the verbal communications of Madison; and it was not without fruit that I once passed a day with John Adams. With regard to the peace between the United States and England, I think I might say that my materials in their comp
Seward (search for this): chapter 1
rer each other. I have specially to thank Lord Tenterden for having favored me with copies of papers which establish the correctness of my narrative where it had been unjustly called in question. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Alfred Kingston, of the Public Record Office, for the very obliging manner in which he gives effect to the permission granted me, and aids my researches. To Mr. Spofford, of Washington, I owe two volumes of the manuscript correspondence of General Greene. Mr. Seward, in the State Department, and his successor Mr. Fish, with equal friendliness furnished me with documents which I needed from our own records. The late Joseph H. Lewis intrusted to me the very voluminous professional and private correspondence of General Wayne. I was also aided materially by the late Governor Andrew and by Secretary Warner of Massachusetts, by the late Senator Mason of Virginia, by Mr. George S. Bryan, and by the never-failing friendship of Mr. Brantz Meyer, Mr. J. Carso
1848 AD (search for this): chapter 1
at Madrid, and to Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia. On the British side, I have the official letters of Shelburne and Secretary Townshend, and of every member of the British commission; beside a profusion of the private letters and papers of Shelburne and of Oswald. I have also the private papers, as well as the official ones, of Strachey; and the courtesy of the present head of the family voluntarily gave consent to the unrestricted use of them. The Marquis of Lansdowne, of 1848, was persuaded that no letters existed from George the Third to his father while first minister; but assured me from his father that the king did nothing to obstruct the peace with the United States. Passing lately through London, Lord Edmond FitzMaurice was so good as to inform me that the numerous original letters of the king to Lord Shelburne had been discovered; and he allowed me to make transcripts from them all, as well as from fragments of Lord Shelburne's autobiography. This generos
1782 AD (search for this): chapter 1
obstruct the peace with the United States. Passing lately through London, Lord Edmond FitzMaurice was so good as to inform me that the numerous original letters of the king to Lord Shelburne had been discovered; and he allowed me to make transcripts from them all, as well as from fragments of Lord Shelburne's autobiography. This generosity was all the greater, as Lord FitzMaurice will himself write a biography of his ancestor. The conduct of Shelburne, Townshend, and the younger Pitt, in 1782, in the negotiations for peace with America, are marked by liberality and candor; but as to the administration of Lord North, English opinion will finally decide that it no more deserves to be recognised as the expression of the British mind on the fit methods of colonial administration than the policy of James the Second to be accepted as the proper exponent of English liberty. From these and other materials, it has been possible to place some questions of European as well as of American
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