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alifornia here, although Lincoln, by the infinite subdivision of his opponents, has managed to secure the electoral vote of the State. The excellent and intelligent gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Stout) is indeed upon it, because he is fortunate in having no colleague; although, to tell the truth, I should not have been surprised, remembering the representation of Oregon in some recent political Conventions, to have seen the gentleman supported by Horace Greeley, or possibly the member from Massachusetts, (Mr. Thayer,) though perhaps that member is a little too strongly tinctured with the doctrine of popular sovereignty to suit the times. In speaking of the power and geographical advantages of the great West, he said we have an empire equal in area to the whole of Russia, and we mean neither to be a dependency or a province of the East or the South, nor yet an inferior or second rate power upon this Continent — and if we cannot have a maritime boundary secured upon other terms, we w
of anger or retaliation, but simply as a policy which it owes to its own prosperity and energy to adopt, which duty to Providence, which has endowed it with such capabilities of greatness, requires, and which duty to posterity solemnly demands. Every State in the Union considers it wise and proper to advance its own interests, and free itself from dependence on other States. New York snatched the commercial sceptre from Boston and Philadelphia; Philadelphia and Baltimore have rivalled Massachusetts in many branches of manufacturing, and none of them ever send to other States for an article which they can produce within their own borders. Why does not the South follow this wise example ? Why rest contented until she manufactures every article which she uses, and transports her own productions to Europe, and brings the goods which she requires, in her own ships? This should be the common ambition of all parties in the South, and no beginnings, however small, should be despised, but