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r. Adrian submitted a series of resolutions declaratory of the doctrine of non-intervention as the true remedy. That all State laws in conflict with the Constitution and laws of Congress ought to be repealed. That the Fugitive Slave Law and all other laws of the land ought to be respected and obeyed, and no obstacle thrown in the way of their execution. That the Constitution is the result of conciliation and compromise, and can only be preserved by the exercise of a similar spirit. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution instructing, the Union Committee to inquire and report as to whether the State Personal Liberty bills are in conflict with the Constitution, and further, to inquire whether the Fugitive Slave Law is susceptible of amendment so as to ascertain more certainly the actual condition of the fugitive. Mr. Stewart, of Maryland, offered a preamble setting forth the principles on which the government is founded. That when it threatens to become destructiv
al and common obligations render it obligatory on the Federal Government to enforce, in good faith, the laws enacted pursuant to its authority; and instructing the Committee to inquire whether any action is necessary (in view of the present condition of public affairs) against an attempt by any State to nullity the laws necessary for the existence of the Confederacy. Mr. Davis, of Indiana, presented a petition asking Congress to preclude Congress from legislation on slavery, &c. Mr. Niblack offered a resolution providing indemnity for slaves rescued by force or violence; and that the Committee report, by bill or otherwise. Mr. McClelland offered the following: Resolved. That the Committee of Thirty-three be instructed to inquire and report whether Congress has the constitutional power to make the people of any particular State or municipal corporation therein, liable to indemnity the owner of any slave escaping into such State, and who has been rescued from rightf
Senator of Texas--Conduct of the Republicans — resolutions offered in the House for amending the Constitution. The debate in Congress Wednesday is interesting. In the Senate, Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, made a warm speech, in which he said: If the people of the North desire it, this Union can be saved; but this Union is not to be saved by flattery, either on the floor of the Senate or from the stump. You cannot save the Union by singing hosannas. You cannot save it by making Fourth of July speeches.--You have got to come down to the work and do something practically. The people of the different slaveholding States, especially the Cotton States, are dissatisfied with the present government as about to be administered by the incoming Administration. There is nothing that can satisfy them except by amending the Constitution, and these amendments must be made by the Northern States unanimously, or they will not be satisfied, and I say here they ought not to be. It amend
veholding or non-slaveholding, agricultural, commercial or manufacturing, can live under one Constitution, as when the old thirteen States ratified and made it binding between them. By the late election it would seem as if the North thought themselves responsible for the domestic institutions of all the States. One State has not a right to call out the army and navy, or negotiate with a foreign power, to coerce another. Do you suppose we are to be amused with the clap-trap of Fourth-of-July orations? As a nation inheriting rights we have passed that point. When these eight cotton States withdraw from the Union, as they will in the next two months, and meet in Convention and adopt a Federal Government, and establish a foreign department, I shall advocate the adoption of that same Constitution that was ratified by the old thirteen States. I have no doubt that when Virginia, Tennessee, Maryland, Kentucky and other border States see what we have done, they will come into the
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