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Browsing named entities in Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 26-27 (ed. Frank Gardner Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University).

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the whole population to Metapontum and Thurii and set fire to the city. He put to death the leading men who, he was informed, had had secret conversations with Fulvius. The Romans who had made their escape from so disastrous a battle, by different roads and half-armed sought refuge with the consul Marcellus in Samnium.There is reason to believe that Livy's authorities had duplicated the defeat of a Fulvius (with identity of place and suspiciously similar circumstances), and that this is the real event, while that in XXV. xxi. is the doublet, due to confusion between Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, consul in 211 B.C., and Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, praetor in 212 B.C. But the praetor must have suffered a shameful defeat somewhere; for the detailed account of his trial in XXVI. ii. 7 ff. and iii. for cowardice and neglect of duty could hardly be invented. Cf. De Sanctis, Storia dei Romani III. 2. 300, 459 f.; Cambridge Ancient History VIII. 81; Mommsen, Staatsrecht II3. 320 f.
the whole population to Metapontum and Thurii and set fire to the city. He put to death the leading men who, he was informed, had had secret conversations with Fulvius. The Romans who had made their escape from so disastrous a battle, by different roads and half-armed sought refuge with the consul Marcellus in Samnium.There is reason to believe that Livy's authorities had duplicated the defeat of a Fulvius (with identity of place and suspiciously similar circumstances), and that this is the real event, while that in XXV. xxi. is the doublet, due to confusion between Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, consul in 211 B.C., and Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, praetor in 212 B.C. But the praetor must have suffered a shameful defeat somewhere; for the detailed account of his trial in XXVI. ii. 7 ff. and iii. for cowardice and neglect of duty could hardly be invented. Cf. De Sanctis, Storia dei Romani III. 2. 300, 459 f.; Cambridge Ancient History VIII. 81; Mommsen, Staatsrecht II3. 320 f.
. On the Alban Mount a statue of Jupiter and a tree near the temple had been struck by lightning; and at Ostia a basin,Probably of a public fountain, such as may be seen at street corners in Pompeii; cf. XXXIX. xliv. 5. and at Capua the city wall and the temple of Fortune, and at Sinuessa the wall and a gate. These were struck by lightning. Also some persons testified that the current of the outletThe famous emissarium, made in accordance with a response of the Delphic oracle in 396 B.C.; V. xvi. 9. of the Alban Lake was blood-red, and that at Rome inside the cella of the Temple of Fors FortunaOutside the city and by the Tiber, probably that at the first milestone of the road later known as Via Portuensis. a small image on a garland fell of itself from the head of the statue into the hand. And at Privernum it was established that an ox spoke, and that in the crowded market-place a vulture flew down upon a shop, and that at Sinuessa a child was born of uncertain sex, a
hat notoriety applied. From all of those who, as horsemen belonging to the legions from Cannae, were in Sicily —and there were many of them —their horses were taken away. To this severity the censors added also prolonged service —that the years previously served with horses furnished by the state should not be reckoned, but that they must serve ten years, furnishing their own mounts. Furthermore they sought out a great number of the men who were bound to serve in the cavalry, and reduced to the grade of aerariiXXII. liii. 5; XXIV. xliii. 2 f. and note. all those who at the beginning of the war had been seventeen years old and had not served. They then contracted for the rebuilding of what had been destroyed by fire around the Forum, namely, seven shops, the market, the Atrium Regium.See XXVI. xxvii. 2 f. and notes. Of the shops there mentioned as destroyed the so-called novae (north side of the Forum) were apparently not rebuilt until 194 B.C.; XXXV.
rning to the Romans, and at the same time no new nations were revolting.I.e. to the Romans. and at Rome, after the recovery of Capua, senate and people were no longer more concerned about Italy than about Spain. they favoured an increase of the army and the sending of a commander —in —chief;Nero as propraetor held a command of lower grade. he was succeeded by Silanus; xx. 4. Livy follows authorities who placed Scipio's election to the chief command and his departure for Spain in 211 B.C. and the capture of New Carthage in 210. In XXVII. vii. 5 f., however, he mentions the opposing view, which would give 210 and 209 respectively for these dates, the now accepted chronology. Cf. note l. c. nor were they so well agreed whom to send, as they were on this point, that, where two great commanders had fallen within thirty days, there a successor to both must be chosen with unusual care. while some were naming one man, others another, finally they had recourse to the holding o
. picking up as many men as possible in the course of their flight, directed his march along the river Tagus towards the Pyrenees.By this route (vaguely indicated, as in Polybins l.c. § 8) Hasdrubal avoided any possibility of Roman opposition while following the upper valleys of the Tagus and the Ebro. The only indication which we have of his passage over into Gaul is in Appian Hisp. 28, who says Hasdrubal crossed near the northern ocean, i.e. the Atlantic. The time was really the autumn of 208 B.C., and the following spring he crossed the Alps; cf. note onp. 296. Scipio took possession of the enemy's camp, and after giving up to the soldiers all the booty except free persons, in listing the captives found ten thousand foot-soldiers and two thousand horsemen. Of these he sent allB.C. 209 the Spaniards to their homes without ransom; the Africans he ordered the quaestor to sell. Then the crowd of Spaniards, both those previously surrendered and those captured the day before,
allies, and there was a certain presentiment of the future, inspiring the greater fear in proportion as they were the less able to account for their unreasoned apprehension. they had withdrawn in different directions into winter quarters, Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, as far as the Ocean and Gades, Mago into the interior, especially beyond the Forest of Castulo. Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, was the nearest to the Ebro in his winter quarters near Saguntum.Recovered by the Scipios in 214 B.C. (XXIV. xlii. 9-10), but apparently again in Carthaginian hands. Polybius places the three Carthaginian armies somewhat differently (X. vii. 5). at the end of the summer in which Capua wasB.C. 211 taken and Scipio came to Spain a Carthaginian fleet was summoned from Sicily to Tarentum to cut off the supplies of the Roman garrison which was in the citadel of Tarentum, and it had indeed closed every approach to the citadel from the sea, but by lying there for a long time it was
not engage in battle with the Roman; that for Masinissa there should be a full complement of three thousand horsemen, the pick of all the cavalry, and that, roaming about over hither Spain, he should lendB.C. 209 aid to allies and devastate towns and farms of the enemy. Having thus ordered, the generals separated, to carry out the measures decided upon. Such were the events in Spain that year.Here again we correct Livy's chronology by Polybius Book X, in which the battle of Baecula falls in 208 B.C., leaving the winter and early spring only for Hasdrubal's stay in Gaul; cf. vii. 5 note. Livy has him remain a whole year among the Gauls, and makes no attempt to explain a delay so incredible. At Rome Scipio's fame was growing from day to day; Fabius, although Tarentum had been taken by ruse rather than by courage, nevertheless gained glory thereby; Fulvius' celebrity was declining; Marcellus was even in bad repute, not only because he had at first been defeated, but also becaus
since both consuls had Apulia as their province, and there was now less alarm from the Carthaginians and Hannibal, they were ordered to cast lots for Apulia and Macedonia as their provinces. Macedonia fell to Sulpicius, and he succeeded Laevinus. Fulvius was summoned to Rome for the election, and while he was conducting the election for the choice of consuls, the century of the younger men of the Voturia tribe, having the right to vote first,I.e. by lot. Cf. the similar case in 215 B.C.; XXIV. vii. 12; ix. 3. declared in favour of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Titus Otacilius as consuls, the latter being absent. when a crowd gathered before Manlius, who was present, in order to congratulate him, and the approval of the people was unquestioned, surrounded by a great crowd he came to the tribunal of the consul, begged him to hear a few words from him, and bade him recall the century which had cast its vote. while all were in suspense, waiting to know what he w
ntury of the older men.The corresponding century of the same first class. they wished, they said, to confer with their elders and on their authority to name consuls. when the older men of the Voturia had been summoned, time for a secret conference with them was granted in the Sheepfold.A large enclosed area in the Campus Martius for election purposes. ovile, its older name, gave way in general use to that of Saepta. agrippa erected there a huge building, the Saepta Iulia, completed in 26 B.C.; Cassius Dio LIII. xxiii. the elders said that they must deliberate in regard to three men, two of them already full of honours, Quintus Fabius and Marcus Marcellus, and if they were quite decided to elect some new man as consul to face the Carthaginians, Marcus Valerius Laevinus; that he had carried on the war brilliantly against King Philip on land and sea. so after deliberation in regard to the three men had been allowed, the elders were sent away, and the younger men cast their vo
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