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tica and Arbocala. On his return from this expedition, he was involved in great danger by a sudden attack from the Carpetanians, together with the remaining forces of the Olcades and Vaccaeans, but by a dexterous manoeuvre he placed the river Tagus between himself and the enemy, and the barbarian army was cut to pieces in the attempt to force their passage. After these successes he again returned to spend the winter at New Carthage. (Plb. 3.13-15; Liv. 21.5.) Early in the ensuing spring (B. C. 219) Hannibal proceeded to lay siege to Saguntum, a city of Greek origin, which, though situated to the south of the Iberus, and therefore not included under the protection of the treaty between Hasdrubal and the Romans [HASDRUBAL, No. 5], had concluded an alliance with the latter people. There could be little doubt, therefore, that an attack upon Saguntum would inevitably bring on a war with Rome; but for this Hannibal was prepared, or rather it was unquestionably his real object. The immedia
with the chief command of most of the military enterprises planned by that general. (Diod. Exc. Hoesch. xxv. p. 511; Liv. 21.4; Appian, App. Hisp. 6.) Of the details of these campaigns we know nothing; but it is clear that Hannibal thus early gave proof of that remarkable power over the minds of men, which he afterwards displayed in so eminent a degree, and secured to himself the devoted attachment of the army under his command. The consequence was, that on the assassination of Hasdrubal (B. C. 221), the soldiers unanimously proclaimed their youthful leader commander-in-chief, and the government at Carthage hastened to ratify an appointment which they had not, in fact, the power to prevent. (Plb. 3.13 Appian, App. Hisp. 8; Zonar. 8.21.) Hannibal was at this time in the twenty-sixth year of his age. There can be no doubt that he already looked forward to the invasion and conquest of Italy as the goal of his ambition; but it was necessary for him first to complete the work which had
v. 22.58, 61, 23.1-10, 14-18; Zonar. 9.1, 2; Plut. Fab. 17.) Capua was celebrated for its wealth and luxury, and the enervating effect which these produced upon the army of Hannibal became a favourite theme of rhetorical exaggeration in later ages. (Zonar. 9.3; Florus, 2.6.) The futility of such declamations is sufficiently shown by the simple fact that the superiority of that army in the field remained as decided as ever. Still it may be truly said that the winter spent at Capua, B. C. 216-215, was in great measure the turning point of Hannibal's fortune, and from this time the war assumed an altered character. The experiment of what he could effect with his single army had now been fully tried, and, notwithstanding all his victories, it had decidedly failed; for Rome was still unsubdued, and still provided with the means of maintaining a protracted contest. But Hannibal had not relied on his own forces alone, and he now found himself, apparently at least, in a condition to commenc
emies. (Liv. 39.51; Corn. Nep. Hann. 12; Just. 32.4.8; Plut. Fiamin. 20; Zonav. 9.21.) The year of his death is uncertain, having been a subject of much dispute among the Roman chronologers. The testimony of Polybius on the point, which would have appeared conclusive, is doubtful. From the expressions of Livy, we should certainly have inferred that he placed the death of Hannibal, together with those of Scipio and Philopoemen, in the consulship of M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo (B. C. 183); and this, which was the date adopted by Atticus, appears on the whole the most probable; but Cornelius Nepos expressly says that Polybius assigned it to the following year (182), and Sulpicius to the year after that (B. C. 181). (Corn. Nep. Hann. 13; Liv. xxxiix 50, 52; Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 72). The scene of his death and burial was a village named Libyssa, on the coast of Bithynia. (Plut. Flmin. 20; Appian, App. Syr. 11; Zonar. 9.21.) Hannibal's character has been very variousl
But his victory had caused all the wavering tribes of the Gauls to declare in his favour; and he was now able to take up his winterquarters in security, and to levy fresh troops among the Gauls, while he awaited the approach of spring. According to Livy (21.58), he made an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Apennines before the winter was well over, but was driven back by the violence of the storms that he encountered. But as soon as the season permitted the renewal of military operations (B. C. 217), he entered the country of the Ligurian tribes, who had lately declared in his favour, and descended by the valley of the Macra into the marshes on the banks of the Arno. He had apparently chosen this route in order to avoid the Roman armies, which, under the two consuls, Flaminius and Servilius, guarded the more obvious passes of the Apennines; but the hardships and difficulties which he encountered in struggling through the marshes were immense, great numbers of his horses and beasts of
ion; and Hannibal, after obtaining only a partial advantage, took up his winter-quarters at the small town of Geronium. (Plb. 3.85-94, 100-105; Liv. 22.7-18, 23-30, 32; Plut. Fab. 3-13; Appian, Annib. 12-16; Zonar. 8.25, 26.) The next spring (B. C. 216) was a period of inaction on both sides: the Romans were engaged in making preparations for bringing an unusually large force into the field; and Hannibal remained at Geronium until late in the spring, when the want of provisions compelling himr ages. (Zonar. 9.3; Florus, 2.6.) The futility of such declamations is sufficiently shown by the simple fact that the superiority of that army in the field remained as decided as ever. Still it may be truly said that the winter spent at Capua, B. C. 216-215, was in great measure the turning point of Hannibal's fortune, and from this time the war assumed an altered character. The experiment of what he could effect with his single army had now been fully tried, and, notwithstanding all his victo
o Antiochus, and is one of the best attested in ancient history. (Plb. 3.11; Liv. 21.1, 35.19; Corn. Nep. Hann. 2; Appian, App. Hisp. 9; V. Max. 9.3, ext. § 3.) Child as he then was, Hannibal never forgot his vow, and his whole life was one continual struggle against the power and domination of Rome. He was early trained in arms under the eye of his father, and probably accompanied him on most of his campaigns in Spain. We find him present with him in the battle in which Hamilcar perished (B. C. 229); and though only eighteen years old at this time, he had already displayed so much courage and capacity for war, that he was entrusted by Hasdrubal (the son-in-law and successor of Hamilcar) with the chief command of most of the military enterprises planned by that general. (Diod. Exc. Hoesch. xxv. p. 511; Liv. 21.4; Appian, App. Hisp. 6.) Of the details of these campaigns we know nothing; but it is clear that Hannibal thus early gave proof of that remarkable power over the minds of men,
Ha'nnibal 10. Son of Hamilcar Barca, and one of the most illustrious generals of antiquity. The year of his birth is not mentioned by any ancient writer, but from the statements concerning his age at the battle of Zama, it appears that he must have been born in B. C. 247, the very year in which his father Hamilcar was first appointed to the command in Sicily. (Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. pp. 20, 52; but compare Niebuhr, Lect. on Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 158.) He was only nine years old when his father took him with him into Spain, and it was on this occasion that Hamilcar made him swear upon the altar eternal hostility to Rome. The story was told by Hannibal himself many years afterwards to Antiochus, and is one of the best attested in ancient history. (Plb. 3.11; Liv. 21.1, 35.19; Corn. Nep. Hann. 2; Appian, App. Hisp. 9; V. Max. 9.3, ext. § 3.) Child as he then was, Hannibal never forgot his vow, and his whole life was one continual struggle against the power and domination of Rome. He w
tiochus III. king of Syria, to induce him to take up arms against Rome. (Liv. 33.45). There can be little doubt that the charge was well founded, and Hannibal saw that his enemies were too strong for him. No sooner, therefore, did the Roman envoys appear at Carthage than he secretly took to flight, and escaped by sea to the island of Cercina, from whence he repaired to Tyre, and thence again, after a short interval, to the court of Antiochus at Ephesus. The Syrian monarch was at this time (B. C. 193) on the eve of war with Rome, though hostilities had not actually commenced. Hence Hannibal was welcomed with the utmost honours. But Antiochus, partly perhaps from incapacity, partly also from personal jealousy, encouraged by the intrigues of his courtiers, could not be induced to listen to his judicious counsels, the wisdom of which he was compelled to acknowledge when too late. Hannibal in vain urged the necessity of carrying the war at once into Italy, instead of awaiting the Romans in
d to assemble a fleet for him from the cities of Phoenicia. This Hannibal effected, and took the command of it in person; but his previous habits could have little qualified him for this service, and he was defeated by the Rhodian fleet in an action near Side. But unimportant as his services in this war appear to have been, he was still regarded by the Romans with such apprehension, that his surrender was one of the conditions of the peace granted to Antiochus after his defeat at Magnesia, B. C. 190. (Plb. 21.14, 22.26.) Hannibal, however, foresaw his danger, and made his escape to Crete, from whence he afterwards repaired to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia. Another account represents him as repairing from the court of Antiochus to Armenia, where it is said he found refuge for a time with Artaxias, one of the generals of Antiochus who had revolted from his master, and that he superintended the foundation of Artaxata, the new capital of the Armenian kingdom. (Strab. xi. p.528; P
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