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Tunstall (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
that after breakfasting and attending to his toilet at the house of Captain Magruder, he went with Mr. A. B. Magruder, in a carriage, with the glasses carefully raised, to Seward, who took charge of Mr. Baldwin, and went direct with him to the White House, reaching it, he thought, not much after nine o'clock A. M. At the door, the man who was acting as usher, or porter, was directed by Colonel Baldwin's companion, to inform the President that a gentleman wished to see him on important business. They endeavored to reach Washington in the early part of the week in which Fort Sumter was bombarded, but were delayed by storms and high water, so that they only reached there via Baltimore, Friday, April 12th. They appeared promptly at the White House, and were put off until Saturday for their formal interview, although Lincoln saw them for a short time. On Saturday Lincoln read to them a written answer to the resolutions of Convention laid before him, which was obviously scarcely dry from
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
n jeopardy of his life, with such earnest solemnity and endeavor. And, he added, there was no simulated emotions; for when he perceived from Lincoln's hints, and from the workings of his crafty and saturnine countenance, the truculence of his purpose, his own soul was filled with such a sense of the coming miseries of the country, and of the irreparable ruin of the Constitution, that he felt he would willingly lay down his life to avert them. He endeavored to make the President feel that Providence had placed the destiny of the country in his hands, so that he might be forever blessed and venerated as the second Washington — the savior of his country — or execrated as its destroyer. What policy, then, did the Union men of Virginia advise? We believe, answered Colonel Baldwin, that one single step will be sufficient to paralyze the secession movement, and to make the true friends of the Union masters of the situation. This was a simple proclamation, firmly pledging the new administ
Sumterville (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
ed, the Fredericksburg train came in, bringing the Washington papers, containing the proclamation. The other confirmation of Colonel Baldwin's hypothesis was presented a few weeks after the end of the war, in a curious interview with a personal friend and apologist of Seward. The first volume of my life of Jackson had been published in London, in which I characterized the shameless lie told by Seward to the commissioners from Montgomery, through Judge Campbell, touching the evacuation of Sumter. This friend and apologist of Seward said that I was unjust to him, because when he promised the evacuation, he designed and thought himself able to fulfil it; but between the making and breaking of the pledge, a total change of policy had been forced upon the administration, against Mr. Seward's advice, by Thad. Stevens and the radical governors. Seward, abolitionist, and knave as he was, still retained enough of the statesman-like traditions of the better days of the republic, to know th
London, Madison County, Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
y, I wrote a telegram, at the breakfast table of the Exchange Hotel, and sent it to Seward, asking him if it was genuine. Before Seward's reply was received, the Fredericksburg train came in, bringing the Washington papers, containing the proclamation. The other confirmation of Colonel Baldwin's hypothesis was presented a few weeks after the end of the war, in a curious interview with a personal friend and apologist of Seward. The first volume of my life of Jackson had been published in London, in which I characterized the shameless lie told by Seward to the commissioners from Montgomery, through Judge Campbell, touching the evacuation of Sumter. This friend and apologist of Seward said that I was unjust to him, because when he promised the evacuation, he designed and thought himself able to fulfil it; but between the making and breaking of the pledge, a total change of policy had been forced upon the administration, against Mr. Seward's advice, by Thad. Stevens and the radical g
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
and to urge that one of them should come to Washington, as promptly as possible, to confer with Mr.mined that as each of them was well known in Washington by person, the required secrecy could not beh Mr. Magruder the following night, reaching Washington the next morning by the Acquia Creek route aot in. earnest in all this. He said that in Washington he was assured that all the resolutions and forever blessed and venerated as the second Washington — the savior of his country — or execrated awill stand by you as though you were our own Washington. So sure am I, he added, of this, and of thn after sent from the Virginia Convention to Washington. In a letter to me, he says: When Colonel B Hence, when the administration assembled at Washington, it probably had no very definite policy. Ss policy was to be. They endeavored to reach Washington in the early part of the week in which Fort nd miseries, was proximately concocted in Washington city, by Northern men, with malice prepense.
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
of Mr. Lincoln. [That commission consisted of Wm. B. Preston, Alex. H. H. Stuart and Geo. W. Randolph. We will refer to its history in the sequel.] Meantime Mr. Preston, with other original Union men, were feeling thus: If our voices and votes are to be exerted farther to hold Virginia in the Union, we must know what the nature of that Union is to be. We have valued Union, but we are also Virginians, and we love the Union only as it is based upon the Constitution. If the power of the United States is to be perverted to invade the rights of States and of the people, we would support the Federal Government no farther. And now that the attitude of that Government was so ominous of usurpation, we must know whither it is going, or we can go with it no farther. Mr. Preston especially declared that if he were to become an agent for holding Virginia in the Union to the destruction of her honor, and of the liberty of her people and her sister States, he would rather die than exert that a
Staunton, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
Memoir of a narrative received of Colonel John B. Baldwin, of Staunton, touching the Origin of the war. By Rev. R. L. Dabney, D. D. [The following paper from the able pen of Rev. Dr. R. L. Dabney will be read with deep interest, and will be found to be a valuable contribution to the history of the origin of the war. It may be worth while in this connection to recall the fact that when soon after the capture of Fort Sumter and Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, a prominent Northern politician wrote Colonel Baldwin to ask: What will the Union men of Virginia do now? he immediately replied: There are now no Union men in Virginia. But those who were Union men will stand to their arms, and make a fight which shall go down in history as an illustration of what a brave people can do in defence of their liberties, after having exhausted every means of pacification. ] In March, 1865, being with the army in Petersburg, Virginia, I had the pleasure of meeting Colonel Baldwin at a small
Virginia (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
el Baldwin to ask: What will the Union men of Virginia do now? he immediately replied: There are novernment, who should communicate the views of Virginia, and demand those of Mr. Lincoln. [That comms and votes are to be exerted farther to hold Virginia in the Union, we must know what the nature ofhat if he were to become an agent for holding Virginia in the Union to the destruction of her honor,round for disrupting the Union. That much as Virginia disapproved it, if Mr. Lincoln would only adhy withheld by the Constitution; that the State of Virginia was unanimously resolved not to acquiesctraditionary principles of the State; that if Virginia remained in the Union, the other border Statetally misunderstood the South, and especially Virginia, and that upon the relinquishment or adoptionyer. What policy, then, did the Union men of Virginia advise? We believe, answered Colonel Baldwinowed him that, if coercion were relinquished, Virginia and the border States stood pledged to labor [12 more...]
Montgomery County (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
were, in the main, Colonel Baldwin's views and purposes. But Mr. Lincoln's inaugural, with its hints of coercion and usurpation, the utter failure of the Peace-Congress, and the rejection of Mr. Crittenden's overtures, the refusal to hear the commissioners. from Mr. Davis' Government at Montgomery, and the secret arming of the Federal Government for attack, had now produced feverish apprehensions in and out of the Convention. Colonel Baldwin considered Mr. Wm. Ballard Preston, of Montgomery county, as deservedly one of the most influential members of that body. This statesman now began to feel those sentiments, which, soon after, prompted him to move and secure the passage of the resolution to appoint a formal commission of three ambassadors from the Convention to Lincoln's Government, who should communicate the views of Virginia, and demand those of Mr. Lincoln. [That commission consisted of Wm. B. Preston, Alex. H. H. Stuart and Geo. W. Randolph. We will refer to its histor
Petersburg, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6.38
umter and Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, a prominent Northern politician wrote Colonel Baldwin to ask: What will the Union men of Virginia do now? he immediately replied: There are now no Union men in Virginia. But those who were Union men will stand to their arms, and make a fight which shall go down in history as an illustration of what a brave people can do in defence of their liberties, after having exhausted every means of pacification. ] In March, 1865, being with the army in Petersburg, Virginia, I had the pleasure of meeting Colonel Baldwin at a small entertainment at a friend's house, where he conversed with me some two hours on public affairs. During this time, he detailed to me the history of his private mission, from the Virginia Secession Convention, to Mr. Lincoln in April, 1861. The facts he gave me have struck me, especially since the conquest of the South, as of great importance in a history of the origin of the war. It was my earnest hope that Colonel Baldwin wou
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