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the most uncomfortable chair, lest some other person might get it. He could not harden himself to hew to the strict military line in whatever directions the chips might fall, but tried to believe that the reasons given for noncompliance with implied or direct instructions might possibly have some force, that the delays on the 2d could not be foreseen, and that the right flank of the assaulting column on the 3d might have suffered if not protected by two fine divisions of infantry. Captain Mangold, a German officer, Instructor of Artillery and Engineer in the Royal Academy, Berlin, and a distinguished and active military student, says the defect in General Lee's military character was a too kindly consideration for incompetent officers, resulting from an excess of good-nature. The intelligent and impartial critic must admit the offensive dispositions of Lee skillful; the Union left on the 2d to a late hour was most vulnerable, and upon it the attack was designed; while the as
t's corps bivouacked the night of the 1st, left its post after sunrise, passed through Hood's and McLaws's divisions, whose arms were stacked, and went into line of battle on Anderson's right at 9 A. M. Wilcox's right rested in a piece of woods, and seven hours afterward, at 4 P. M., McLaws formed in these same woods. Longstreet admits that he was ordered at eleven to move to the right to attack with the portion of the command then up, but delayed, on his own responsibility, to await General Laws's brigade, which had been detached on picket. His disobedience of orders in failing to march at once with his command then present, many believe, lost to Lee the battle of Gettysburg. With a corps commander who knew the value of time, obeyed orders with promptness and without argument, Lee's movement on Meade's left could have commenced at seven or eight o'clock A. M., with all the chances for success, and there would probably have been no combat on the 3d. The Third Federal Corps was
Jackson Longstreet (search for this): chapter 13
n, Ewell and Hill in front of the enemy, and Longstreet in camp only four miles in the rear. Meade nally yielded to the opinion expressed, that Longstreet should commence the battle by a forward moveenough to be effective. We hear from General Longstreet that on the evening of the 1st he was trfederates because some one had blundered. Longstreet's two divisions made a superb record, if latattack because the opportunity offered ; but Longstreet had not enveloped the enemy's left, and the gades from Rodes and one from Early. General Longstreet's dispositions were not completed as earere not. Nothing could be gained by charging Longstreet's infantry in the position they held, and la quick. Pickett had taken his first note to Longstreet and asked him if the time for his advance had come, and Longstreet bowed his assent; he could not speak, because he says he was convinced that Peral Bragg in the West with two divisions of Longstreet's corps, to enable him to defeat the Federal[51 more...]
to the First Corps's assistance. Ewell, with his leading division (Rodes's), at 2.30 P. M. came to Heth's and Pender's support, while Early't of Meade's refused right at Culp's Hill. Johnson's, Early's, and Rodes's divisions, in order named, were located on the curve and through all house on the Carlisle road north of the town, Ewell, Early, and Rodes. The Confederate commander was anxious at first that Ewell and pes of Culp's Hill to start first, then Early up Cemetery Hill, and Rodes to advance on Early's right. Johnson had in front a rugged and ts of fresh troops, and forced to retire, but not in disorder. Had Rodes, as expected, been on his right, with Hill's troops co-operating, p could not have sent troops to help Howard to hold Culp's Hill. Rodes reports: He had commenced to make the necessary preparations, but hring the night General Johnson was re-enforced by two brigades from Rodes and one from Early. General Longstreet's dispositions were not
information that Vicksburg, on the Mississippi, had surrendered to Grant on July 4th, and that if Lee's army could be destroyed, the rebellion would be over. While waiting at Williamsport General Lee received the news of the capture (by raiding Federal cavalry) of his son, General W. H. F. Lee, who was wounded at Brandy Station on June 10th, and had been taken to Hickory Hill, the residence of the Wickhams, near Hanover Court House. He wrote Mrs. Lee: I have heard with great grief that Fitzhugh has been captured by the enemy. Had not expected that he would have been taken from his bed and carried off; but we must bear this additional affliction with fortitude and resignation, and not repine at the will of God. It will eventuate in some good that we know not of now. We must all bear our labors and hardships manfully. Our noble men are cheerful and confident. I constantly remember you in my thoughts and prayers. On July 12th, in camp near Hagerstown, Lee heard his son had bee
E. Barksdale (search for this): chapter 13
f the Potomac and the Army of Northern Virginia was about one hundred and sixty thousand. Both armies mourned the death of brave men and competent officers. In the Army of the Potomac four general officers were killed-Reynolds, Vincent, Weed, and Zook-and thirteen wounded, viz., Hancock, Sickles, Gibbon, Warren, Butterfield, Barlow, Doubleday, Paul, Brook, Barnes, Webb, Stanard, and Graham. In the Army of Northern Virginia five general officers were killed-Pender, Garnett, Armistead, Barksdale, and Semmesand nine wounded, viz., Hood, Hampton, Heth, J. M. Jones, G. T. Anderson, Kemper, Scales, and Jenkins. Meade showed no disposition to assume the offensive after Pickett's repulse. Like Lee at Fredericksburg, he did not want to lose the advantages of position, and was not certain the battle was over. The relative numbers in each army were still about the same, for their losses did not vary much, and the greater part of Lee's army was ready to receive him; he might have bee
tested against being placed in command of an army that had been looking toward Reynolds as Hooker's successor, but, loyal to authority, he assumed the command in obede was so near, directed the First and Eleventh Corps, under that excellent officer Reynolds, to Gettysburg; Third, to Emmittsburg; Second, Taneytown; Fifth, Hanover; est which drew in its bloody embrace one hundred and seventy thousand men. For Reynolds, hearing Buford's guns, hastened to him with the First Corps, Wadsworth's diviaptured; his enemy had been driven through Gettysburg with great loss, and General Reynolds, their commander, killed. The death of this splendid officer was regresue. A letter of Hancock's, the officer dispatched by Meade, on hearing of Reynolds's death, to supersede Howard, his senior in command at Gettysburg, says: When s of his enemy had grown stronger during the night; Slocum, Howard, Newton (in Reynolds's place), Hancock, Sickles, Sykes, and Sedgwick's troops were all before him,
we must use the cold steel. Who will follow me? It is said that when the head of what had been so grand an attack got within a few yards of the second defensive line it consisted of Armistead, his lieutenant, Colonel Martin, and five men; with the destruction of the head the body perished, and one half of those who crossed the road and followed Armistead were killed. To the left of Pickett the four brigades under Pettigrew and the two under Trimble charged. Archer's brigade, under Colonel B. D. Fry, of the Thirteenth Alabama, was on the right and was the directing brigade of the whole force. They made their assault in front of Hays's and Gibbon's division, Second Corps, in the vicinity of Ziegler's Grove. Stormed at with shot and shell, this column moved steadily on, closing up the gaps made and preserving the alignment. They moved up splendidly, wrote a Northern officer, deploying as they crossed the long sloping interval. The front of the column was nearly up the slope a
undred and forty-three men and nineteen officers, killed and wounded. When nearly dark they fell back to the point from which they advanced. This is ample proof that big Round Top was not occupied by Northern troops at dark on the evening of the 2d. Buford's cavalry from that flank had been sent away early in the day to guard supplies at Westminster. Over the splendid scene of human courage and human sacrifice at Gettysburg there arises in the South an apparition, like Banquo's ghost at Macbeth's banquet, which says the battle was lost to the Confederates because some one had blundered. Longstreet's two divisions made a superb record, if late when they began to fight. The attack on Sickles's corps was bravely made and bravely resisted; Sickles's left was turned, and had it not been that Warren sent a brigade of the Fifth Corps and battery on Little Round Top, that most important point might have been seized, and, if held, decided the battle. For its possession there was furio
r well-known high charactershe disobeyed orders when he attacked with one third and not with his whole corps. Lee knew all the facts, for, in addition to what was said to Ewell, Early, and Pendleton, he told Governor Carroll, of Maryland, that the battle would have been gained if General Longstreet had obeyed the order given him and attacked early instead of late; that Longstreet was a brilliant soldier when once engaged, but the hardest man to move in my army. At 1 A. M. on the 4th General Imboden was sent for by Lee to get orders about the movements of the trains and ambulances which his command was to escort to the Potomac, and says that Lee, after expressing his admiration for the splendid behavior of the troops in the grand charge, added, and if they had been supported as they were to have been, but, for some reason not yet fully explained to me, were not, we would have held the position and the day would have been ours. Military critics are not able to understand why the of
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