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nce to the laws, whether I like them or not, as I find them on the statute book. I will sustain the judicial tribunals and constituted authorities in all matters within the pale of their jurisdiction as defined by the Constitution. But I am equally free to say that the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott, case, does not in itself meet my approbation. He objects to it because that decision declared that a negro descended from African parents, who were brought here and sold as slaves, is not, and cannot be, a citizen of the United States. He says it is wrong, because it deprives the negro of the benefits of that clause of the Constitution which says that citizens of one State shall enjoy all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States ; in other words, he thinks it wrong because it deprives the negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of citizenship, which pertain, according to that decision, o
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 2
ed to negro equality. I repeat that this nation is a white people — a people composed of European descendants — a people that have established this government for themselves and their posterity, and I am in favor of preserving not only the purity of the blood, but the purity of the government from any mixture or amalgamation with inferior races. I have seen the effects of this mixture of superior and inferior races-this amalgamation of white men and Indians and negroes ; we have seen it in Mexico, in Central America, in South America, and in all the Spanish-American States, and its result has been degeneration, demoralization, and degradation below the capacity for self-government. I am opposed to taking any step that recognizes the negro man or the Indian as the equal of the white man, I am opposed to giving him a voice in the administration of the government. I would extend to the negro, and the Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and every immunit
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
at I take bold, unqualified issue with him upon, that principle. I assert that it is neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of this Union. The framers of our government never contemplated uniformity in its internal concerns. The fathers of the Revolution, and the sages who made the Constitution, well understood that the laws and domestic institutions which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire would be totally unfit for the rice plantations of South Carolina; they well understood that the laws which would suit the agricultural districts of Pennsylvania and New York would be totally unfit for the large mining regions of the Pacific, or the lumber regions of Maine. They well understood that the great varieties of soil, of production and of interests, in a Republic as large as this, required different local and domestic regulations in each locality, adapted to the wants and inte
Central America (search for this): chapter 2
lity. I repeat that this nation is a white people — a people composed of European descendants — a people that have established this government for themselves and their posterity, and I am in favor of preserving not only the purity of the blood, but the purity of the government from any mixture or amalgamation with inferior races. I have seen the effects of this mixture of superior and inferior races-this amalgamation of white men and Indians and negroes ; we have seen it in Mexico, in Central America, in South America, and in all the Spanish-American States, and its result has been degeneration, demoralization, and degradation below the capacity for self-government. I am opposed to taking any step that recognizes the negro man or the Indian as the equal of the white man, I am opposed to giving him a voice in the administration of the government. I would extend to the negro, and the Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and every immunity consistent wi
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
nt that there must be uniformity in the local laws and domestic institutions of each and all the States of the Union ; and he therefore invites all the non-slaveholding States to band together, organize as one body, and make war upon slavery, in Kentucky, upon slavery in Virginia, upon the Carolinas, upon slavery in all of the slaveholding States in this Union, and to persevere in that war until it shall be exterminated. He then notifies the slaveholding States to stand together as a unit and mnot otherwise. The rich negro can vote, but the poor one cannot. Although that distinction does not commend itself to my judgment, yet I assert that the sovereign power of New York had a right to prescribe that form of the elective franchise. Kentucky, Virginia and other States have provided that negroes, or a certain class of them in those States, shall be slaves having neither civil or political rights. Without indorsing the wisdom of that decision, I assert that Virginia has the same powe
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
complain of our policy in that respect, or to interfere with it, or to attempt to change it. On the other hand, the State of Maine has decided that in that State a negro man may vote on an equality with the white man. The sovereign power of Maine had the right to prescribe that rule for herself. Illinois has no right to complain of Maine for conferring the right of negro suffrage, nor Maine any right to interfere with, or complain of Illinois because she has denied negro suffrage: The State of New York has decided by her Constitution that a negro may vote, provided that he own $250 worth of property, but not otherwise. The rich negro can vote, but the poor one cannot. Although that distinction does not commend itself to my judgment, yet I assert that the sovereign power of New York had a right to prescribe that form of the elective franchise. Kentucky, Virginia and other States have provided that negroes, or a certain class of them in those States, shall be slaves having neither c
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
Territories and the admission of new States. Illinois took her position upon this principle many yeon on this question by the representatives of Illinois, in 1851, approaches nearer to unanimity thanhe journal of the Legislature of the State of Illinois, and it has remained there from that day to tarry out that principle in all future cases. Illinois, therefore, stands pre-eminent as the State wof this city, now no more, said that the State of Illinois had, the most perfect judicial system inal from the decisions of the Supreme Court of Illinois, on all Constitutional questions, to Justiceself the nature and extent of these. rights. Illinois has decided for herself. We have decided thahe right to prescribe that rule for herself. Illinois has no right to complain of Maine for conferrgnty to protect slavery within her limits, as Illinois has to banish it forever from our own borders often proclaimed to you and to the people of Illinois heretofore. I stand by the Democratic organ[6 more...]
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 2
to band together, organize as one body, and make war upon slavery, in Kentucky, upon slavery in Virginia, upon the Carolinas, upon slavery in all of the slaveholding States in this Union, and to persevere in that war until it shall be exterminated. He then notifies the slaveholding States to stand together as a unit and make an aggressive war upon the free States of this Union with a view of establishing slavery in them all; of forcing it upon Illinois, of forcing it upon New York, upon New England, and upon every other free State, and that they shall keep up the warfare until it has been formally established in them all, In other words, Mr. Lincoln advocates, boldly and clearly a war of sections, a war of the North against the South, of the free States against the slave States--a war of extermination to be continued relentlessly until the one or the other shall be subdued, and all the States shall either become free or become slave. Now, my friends, I must say to you frankly, t
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
ess to force a Constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will, and to force that State ind placing it within the power of the people of Kansas at that election to reject the Lecompton Constause, the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution unconditionalult has been such as will enable the people of Kansas to come into the Union, with such a Constitutihould or should not exist within the limits of Kansas, I was rejoiced within my secret soul, for I e Lecompton Constitution back to the people of Kansas, and give them the right to accept or reject iill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska? Was it not my duty, in obedienctes? I did incorporate that principle in the, Kansas-Nebraska bill, and perhaps I did, as much as adertook to put a Constitution on the people of Kansas against their will, in opposition to their wisd vindicated this year by the refusal to bring Kansas into the Union with a Constitution distasteful[3 more...]
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
Illinois has to banish it forever from our own borders. I assert the right of each State to decide for itself on all these questions, and I do not subscribe to the doctrine of my friend, Mr. Lincoln, that uniformity is either desirable or possible. I do not acknowledge that the States must all be free or must all be slave. I do not acknowledge that the negro must have civil and political rights everywhere or nowhere. I do not acknowledge that the Chinese must have the same rights in California that we would confer upon him here. I do not acknowledge that the Cooley imported into this country must necessarily be put upon an equality with the white race. I do not acknowledge any of these doctrines of uniformity in the local and domestic regulations in the different States. Thus you see, my fellow-citizens, that the issues between Mr. Lincoln and myself, are respective candidates for the U. S. Senate, as made up, are direct, unequivocal, and irreconcilable. He goes for unifo
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