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C. L. Wilson (search for this): chapter 5
e Republican President is to call upon the candidates and catechise them, and ask them, How will you decide this cast if I appoint you judge? Suppose, for instance, Mr. Lincoln to be a candidate for a vacancy on the supreme bench to fill Chief Justice Taney's place, and when he applied to Seward, the latter would say, Mr. Lincoln, I cannot appoint you until I know how you will decide the Dred Scott case? Mr. Lincoln tells him, and then asks him how he will decide Tom Jones's case, and Bill Wilson's case, and thus catechises the judge as to how he will decide any case which may arise before him. Suppose you get a Supreme Court composed of such judges, who have been appointed by a partisan President upon their giving pledges how they would decide a case before it arose, what confidence would you have in such a court? Would not your court be prostituted beneath the contempt of all mankind? What man would feel that his liberties were safe, his right of person or property was secure,
Central America (search for this): chapter 5
ights and all the privileges of citizenship on an equality with white men? I think that is the inevitable conclusion. I do not doubt Mr. Lincoln's conscientious conviction on the subject, and I do not doubt that he will carry out that doctrine if he ever has the power; but I resist it because I am utterly opposed to any political amalgamation or any other amalgamation on this continent. We are witnessing the result of giving civil and political rights to inferior races in Mexico, in Central America, in South America, and in the West India Islands. Those young men who went from here to Mexico, to fight the battles of their country in the Mexican war, can tell you the fruits of negro equality with the white man. They will tell you that the result of that equality is social amalgamation, demoralization and degradation, below the capacity for self-government. My friends, if we wish to preserve this Government we must maintain it on the basis on which it was established, to wit :
Springfield (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens of Springfield and Old Sangamon: My heart is filled with emotions at the allusions which have been so happily and so kindly made in the welcome just extended to me — a welcome so numerous and so enthusiastic, bringing me to my home among my old friends, that language cannot express my gratitude. I do feel at home whenever I return to old Sangamon and receSpringfield and Old Sangamon: My heart is filled with emotions at the allusions which have been so happily and so kindly made in the welcome just extended to me — a welcome so numerous and so enthusiastic, bringing me to my home among my old friends, that language cannot express my gratitude. I do feel at home whenever I return to old Sangamon and receive those kind and friendly greetings which have never failed to meet me when I have come among you ; but never before have I had such occasion to be grateful and to be proud of the manner of the reception as on the present. While I am willing, sir, to attribute a part of this demonstration to those kind and friendly personal relations to which you have referred, I cannot conceal from myself that the controlling and pervading element in this great mass of human beings is devotion to that princ
Ohio (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
and blow up the houses and destroy the town. We call the British Government to an account, and they say, in the language of Mr. Lincoln, we did not enter into the limits of the United States to interfere with you; we planted the battery on our own soil, and had a right to shoot from our own soil, and if our shells and ball fell in Buffalo and killed your inhabitants, why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln is going to plant his Abolition batteries all along the banks of the Ohio river, and throw his shells into Virginia and Kentucky and into Missouri, and blow up the institution of slavery, and when we arraign him for his unjust interference with the institutions of the other States, he says, Why, I never did enter into Kentucky to interfere with her ; I do not propose to do it; I only propose to take care of my own head by keeping on this side of the river, out of harm's way. But yet, he says he is going to persevere in this system of sectional warfare, and I have no
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
climate, of production and of interest, requiring a corresponding dissimilarity and variety in the local laws and institutions adapted thereto. The laws that are necessary in the mining regions of California, would be totally useless and vicious on the prairies of Illinois ; the laws that would suit the lumber regions of Maine or of Minnesota, would be totally useless and valueless in the tobacco regions of Virginia and Kentucky ; the laws which would suit the manufacturing districts of New England, would be totally unsuited to the planting regions of the Carolinas, of Georgia, and of Louisiana,. Each State is supposed to have interests separate and distinct from each and every other, and hence must have laws different from each and every other State, in order that its laws shall be adapted to the condition and necessities of the people. Hence I insist that our institutions rest on the theory that there shall be dissimilarity and variety in the local laws and institutions of the di
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ture, by the vote they gave on the Crittenden-Montgomery bill. I hope we will find, in the resolutions of their County and Congressional Conventions, no declarations of no more slave States to be admitted into this Union, but in lieu of that declaration that we will find the principle that the people of every State and every Territory shall come into the Union with slavery or without it, just as they please, without any interference on the part of Congress. My friends, whilst I was at Washington, engaged in this great battle for sound constitutional, principles, I find from the newspapers that the Republican party of this State assembled in this Capital, in State Convention, and not only nominated, as it was wise and proper for them to do, a man for my successor in the Senate, but laid down a platform, and their nominee made a speech, carefully written and prepared, and well delivered, which that Convention accepted as containing the Republican creed. I have no comment to make on
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
were firmly and fairly carried out. Those compromise measures rested, as I said in my speech at Chicago, on my return home that year, upon the principle that every people ought to have the right to fll over the country in 1854 when that Nebraska bill passed. I could then travel from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own effigies, in consequence of having stood up for it. I leave it to you ton Mr. Lincoln to explain what he did mean, if he did not mean this, and he may made a speech at Chicago, in which he attempts to explain. And how does he explain? I will give him the benefit of hisct. How are they going to make that reversal effectual? Why, Mr. Lincoln tells us in his late Chicago speech. He explains it as clear as light. He says to the people of Illinois that if you electgue that the language all men included the negroes, Indians, and all inferior races. In his Chicago speech he says, in so many words, that it includes the negroes, that they were endowed by the A
Buffalo, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
u carried on the warfare from another State? For the purpose of illustration, suppose the British Government should plant a battery on the Niagara river opposite Buffalo and throw their shells over into Buffalo, where they should explode and blow up the houses and destroy the town. We call the British Government to an account, anBuffalo, where they should explode and blow up the houses and destroy the town. We call the British Government to an account, and they say, in the language of Mr. Lincoln, we did not enter into the limits of the United States to interfere with you; we planted the battery on our own soil, and had a right to shoot from our own soil, and if our shells and ball fell in Buffalo and killed your inhabitants, why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln iBuffalo and killed your inhabitants, why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln is going to plant his Abolition batteries all along the banks of the Ohio river, and throw his shells into Virginia and Kentucky and into Missouri, and blow up the institution of slavery, and when we arraign him for his unjust interference with the institutions of the other States, he says, Why, I never did enter into Kentucky to in
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
and secondly, because the President of the United States, in his annual message, has said that he tnited States, and the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal on earth, ate he is going to elect a President of the United States ; form a Cabinet and administer the Governn, we did not enter into the limits of the United States to interfere with you; we planted the battge a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of the Dred Scott decision. He tas that he will not fight the Judges or the United States Marshals in order to liberate Dred Scott, Constitution, and the Supreme Court of the United States is vested by the Constitution with that vetution says that the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in the Supreme Court, and descendants, constitute the people of the United States. The Declaration of Independence only included the white people of the United States. The Constitution of the United States was framed by t[5 more...]
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
domestic institutions of the different States was either desirable or possible. They well understood that the laws and institutions which would be well adapted to the granite hills of New Hampshire would be unfit for the rice plantations of South Carolina; they well understood that each one of the thirteen States had distinct and separate interests, and required distinct and separate local laws and local institutions. And in view of that fact they provided that each State should retain its sojoin in defending us when we are assailed by any outside power. How are we to protect our sovereign rights, to keep slavery out, unless we protect the sovereign rights to every other State to decide the question for itself. Let Kentucky, or South Carolina, or any other State, attempt to interfere in Illinois, and tell us that we shall establish slavery, in order to make it uniform, according to Mr. Lincoln's proposition, throughout. the Union; let them come here and tell us that we must and s
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