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South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
domestic institutions of the different States was either desirable or possible. They well understood that the laws and institutions which would be well adapted to the granite hills of New Hampshire would be unfit for the rice plantations of South Carolina; they well understood that each one of the thirteen States had distinct and separate interests, and required distinct and separate local laws and local institutions. And in view of that fact they provided that each State should retain its sojoin in defending us when we are assailed by any outside power. How are we to protect our sovereign rights, to keep slavery out, unless we protect the sovereign rights to every other State to decide the question for itself. Let Kentucky, or South Carolina, or any other State, attempt to interfere in Illinois, and tell us that we shall establish slavery, in order to make it uniform, according to Mr. Lincoln's proposition, throughout. the Union; let them come here and tell us that we must and s
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
d variety in the local laws and institutions adapted thereto. The laws that are necessary in the mining regions of California, would be totally useless and vicious on the prairies of Illinois ; the laws that would suit the lumber regions of Maine or of Minnesota, would be totally useless and valueless in the tobacco regions of Virginia and Kentucky ; the laws which would suit the manufacturing districts of New England, would be totally unsuited to the planting regions of the Carolinas, of Georgia, and of Louisiana,. Each State is supposed to have interests separate and distinct from each and every other, and hence must have laws different from each and every other State, in order that its laws shall be adapted to the condition and necessities of the people. Hence I insist that our institutions rest on the theory that there shall be dissimilarity and variety in the local laws and institutions of the different States instead of all being uniform; and you find, my friends, that Mr. Li
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
For the very reason that uniformity, in their opinion, was neither desirable or possible. We have increased from thirteen States to thirty-two States, and just in proportion as the number of States increases and our territory expands, there will be a still greater variety and dissimilarity of climate, of production and of interest, requiring a corresponding dissimilarity and variety in the local laws and institutions adapted thereto. The laws that are necessary in the mining regions of California, would be totally useless and vicious on the prairies of Illinois ; the laws that would suit the lumber regions of Maine or of Minnesota, would be totally useless and valueless in the tobacco regions of Virginia and Kentucky ; the laws which would suit the manufacturing districts of New England, would be totally unsuited to the planting regions of the Carolinas, of Georgia, and of Louisiana,. Each State is supposed to have interests separate and distinct from each and every other, and hen
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
all of its integrity. I rejoice to know that Illinois stands prominently and proudly forward among ents of the United States, and one Senator of Illinois. If Mr. Lincoln deems me a conspirator of th take issue with him directly. I assert that Illinois has a right to decide the slavery question footally useless and vicious on the prairies of Illinois ; the laws that would suit the lumber regions as clear as light. He says to the people of Illinois that if you elect him to the Senate he will i Ordinance of 1787, slavery was prohibited in Illinois, yet you all know, particularly you old settlent with it. I assert that the sovereignty of Illinois had a right to determine that question as we from Kentucky or any other State coming into Illinois. When he blots out that clause, when he lets not doubt what the decision of the people of Illinois will be. I do not anticipate any personal colce the interests and elevate the character of Illinois than myself, it is your duty to elect him; if[12 more...]
Ohio (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
and blow up the houses and destroy the town. We call the British Government to an account, and they say, in the language of Mr. Lincoln, we did not enter into the limits of the United States to interfere with you; we planted the battery on our own soil, and had a right to shoot from our own soil, and if our shells and ball fell in Buffalo and killed your inhabitants, why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln is going to plant his Abolition batteries all along the banks of the Ohio river, and throw his shells into Virginia and Kentucky and into Missouri, and blow up the institution of slavery, and when we arraign him for his unjust interference with the institutions of the other States, he says, Why, I never did enter into Kentucky to interfere with her ; I do not propose to do it; I only propose to take care of my own head by keeping on this side of the river, out of harm's way. But yet, he says he is going to persevere in this system of sectional warfare, and I have no
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
slavery, hence he does not propose to go into Kentucky and stir up a civil war and a servile war bet Mr. Lincoln says that he will not enter into Kentucky to abolish slavery there, but that all he will do is to fight slavery in Kentucky from Illinois. He will not go over there to set fire to the maan. He would not deem it wise to go over into Kentucky to stir up this strife, but he would do it fr States, he says, Why, I never did enter into Kentucky to interfere with her ; I do not propose to dueless in the tobacco regions of Virginia and Kentucky ; the laws which would suit the manufacturingdinance, passed a law allowing you to go into Kentucky, buy slaves' and bring them into the Territorso, be it so. There is no cause to complain. Kentucky has decided that it is not consistent with hestitution of the country. The sovereignty of Kentucky, and that alone, can decide that question, anState to decide the question for itself. Let Kentucky, or South Carolina, or any other State, attem[5 more...]
Central America (search for this): chapter 5
ights and all the privileges of citizenship on an equality with white men? I think that is the inevitable conclusion. I do not doubt Mr. Lincoln's conscientious conviction on the subject, and I do not doubt that he will carry out that doctrine if he ever has the power; but I resist it because I am utterly opposed to any political amalgamation or any other amalgamation on this continent. We are witnessing the result of giving civil and political rights to inferior races in Mexico, in Central America, in South America, and in the West India Islands. Those young men who went from here to Mexico, to fight the battles of their country in the Mexican war, can tell you the fruits of negro equality with the white man. They will tell you that the result of that equality is social amalgamation, demoralization and degradation, below the capacity for self-government. My friends, if we wish to preserve this Government we must maintain it on the basis on which it was established, to wit :
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ight to have slavery or not have it; to have negroes or not have them ; to have Maine liquor laws or not have them; to have just such institutions as they choose, eaus on the prairies of Illinois ; the laws that would suit the lumber regions of Maine or of Minnesota, would be totally useless and valueless in the tobacco regionsright to interfere with us or call us to account for that decision. In the State of Maine they have decided by their Constitution that the negro shall exercise the eo not concur in the good sense or correct taste of that decision on the part of Maine, I have no disposition to quarrel with her. It is her business and not ours. If the people of Maine desire to be put on an equality with the negro, I do not know that anybody in this State will attempt to prevent it. If the white people of MaiMaine think a negro their equal, and that he has a right to come and kill their vote by a negro vote, they have a right to think so, I suppose, and I have no dispositio
way by any Constitution or law that man could pass? Why, their whole action toward the Indian showed that they never dreamed that they were bound to put him on an equality. I am not only opposed to negro equality, but I am opposed to Indian equality. I am opposed to putting the coolies, now importing into this country, on an equality with us, or putting the Chinese or any inferior race on an equality with us. I hold that the white race, the European race, I care not whether Irish, German, French, Scotch, English, or to what nation they belong, so they are the white race, to be our equals. And I am for placing them, as our fathers did, on an equality with us. Emigrants from Europe, and their descendants, constitute the people of the United States. The Declaration of Independence only included the white people of the United States. The Constitution of the United States was framed by the white people, it ought to be administered by them, leaving each State to make such regulations c
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 5
livered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) Mr. Chairman and Fello I have no comment to make on that part of Mr. Lincoln's speech, in which he represents me as form why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln is going to plant his Abolition batteries a Union is a very different one from that of Mr. Lincoln, I believe that the Union can only be preseress of the same tenor. My opinion is that Mr. Lincoln ought to be on the supreme bench himself, wto die ; and it is very possible, too, that Mr. Lincoln's senatorial term would expire before theseppen I do not see a very great prospect for Mr. Lincoln to reverse the Dred Scott decision. But su, in order to make it uniform, according to Mr. Lincoln's proposition, throughout. the Union; let Either the radical abolition principles of Mr. Lincoln must be maintained, or the strong, constitu to serve you in the future. If you think Mr. Lincoln will do more to advance the interests and e[40 more...]
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