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hat a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. [ A school-boy knows better. ] Yes, a school-boy does know better. Mr. Lincoln's object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme Court. He knows that there never was but one man America, claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is true that the Washington Union in an article published on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was against the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the free States, and that any provision in the Constitution or laws of the free States to the contrary were null and void. I denounced it in the Senate, as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lincoln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wilso
February 7th (search for this): chapter 9
ble. Now, I want to show you who voted for these resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first resolution it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 41, nays 32. You will find that this is a strict party vote, between the Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans on the other. [Cries of White, white, and clamor.] I know your name, and always call things by their right name. The point I wish to call your attention to, is this : that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of February, and that on the 8th they went into an election for a United States Senator, and that day every man who voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. [ Give us their names. ] I will read the names over to you if you want them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time. On the next resolution the vote stood-yeas 33, nays 40, and on the third resolution --yeas 35, nays 47. I wish to impress it upon you, that every man who
our feelings as his are, I do say to you in all candor, go for him and not for me. I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas and with the people of the State, in this contest. And if I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation — notwithstanding the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. The Judge has again addressed himself to the abolition tendencies of a speech of mine, made at Springfield in June last. I have so often tried to answer what he is always saying on that melancholy theme, that I almost turn with disgust from the discussion — from the repetition of an answer to it. I trust that nearly all of this intelligent audience have read that speech. If you have, I may venture to leave it to you to inspect it closely, and see whether it contains any of those bugaboos which frighten Judge Douglas. The Judge complains that I did not fully answer his questions. If I have the sense
November 17th (search for this): chapter 9
e on the rights of property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part of the owner. Remember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of November, and on, the 18th appeared the first article giving the adhesion of the Union to the Lecompton Constitution. It was in these words : Kansas and her Cois authoritative article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution. When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a Statedoes not use the word conspiring, but what other construction can you put upon it? He winds up with this: When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that, a Stat
November 18th (search for this): chapter 9
s authoritative article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution. When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union. Here he says, Mr.oes not use the word conspiring, but what other construction can you put upon it? He winds up with this: When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that, a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union. I ask him if all
this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. [ A school-boy knows better. ] Yes, a school-boy does know better. Mr. Lincoln's object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme Court. He knows that there never was but one man America, claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is true that the Washington Union in an article published on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was against the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the free States, and that any provision in the Constitution or laws of the free States to the contrary were null and void. I denounced it in the Senate, as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lincoln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wilson, and the whol
risten them whenever they were brought in. Lincoln went to work to dissolve the old line Whig party. Clay was dead, and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into disrepute those great Compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1854 the old Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform so far as this slavery question was concerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular and the sub-treasury, but we agreed on this slavery question and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The Compromise measures of 1850 were introduced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852 the Whig party, in its last National Convention at Baltimore ind
You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular and the sub-treasury, but we agreed on this slavery question and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The Compromise measures of 1850 were introduced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852 the Whig party, in its last National Convention at Baltimore indorsed and approved these measures of Clay, and so did the National Convention of the Democratic party held that same year. Thus the old line Whigs and the old line Democrats stood pledged, to the great principle of self-government, which guaranties to the people of each Territory the right to decide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the Whigs, undertoo
now whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854; in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fu whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave Statesto all this, that there was not, in the fall of 1854, any Convention holding a session in Springfielka bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856 and he has no excuse for by the Black Republican party at Springfield in 1854, which, it turns out, was adopted at another pltricts throughout the north end of the State in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every coure the Black Republican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call your attention to the acti which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1854 the old Whig party and the Democratic party haddecide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Linco States' Senator in 1855, after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain things here at h[1 more...]
August 30th, 1854 AD (search for this): chapter 9
e in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county that gave a Black Republican majority for the Legislature in that year, and here is a man [pointing to Mr. Denio, who sat on the stand near Deacon Bross] who knows as well as any living man that it was the creed of the Black Republican party at that time. I would be willing to call Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging to that party. I will now read the resolutions adopted at the Rockford Convention on the 30th of August, 1854, which nominated Washbume for Congress. You elected him on the following platform: Resolved, That the continued and increasing aggressions of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights of a free people, and that such aggressions cannot he successfully resisted without the united political action of all good men. Resolved, That the citizens of the United States hold in their hands peaceful, constitutional and efficient remedy against the encroachments of the sla
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