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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik. Search the whole document.

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Breckenridge (search for this): chapter 16
braham Lincoln. The election was held on the 6th of November. The result showed a popular vote of 1,857,610 for Lincoln; 1,291,574 for Douglas; 850,022 for Breckenridge; and 646,124 for Bell. In the electoral college Lincoln received 180 votes, Breckenridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12. Lincoln electors were chosen in seveBreckenridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12. Lincoln electors were chosen in seventeen of the free States, as follows: Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, California, Oregon; and in one State,--New Jersey,--owing to a fusion between Democrats, Lincoln secured four and Douglas three of the electors. Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and Texas went for Breckenridge; Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia for Bell; while Douglas secured only one entire State--Missouri. Mr. Lincoln having now been elected, there remained, before taking up the reins o
John H. Bryant (search for this): chapter 16
dless repetitions of well-known history. On his return home Lincoln told me that for once in his life he was greatly abashed over his personal appearance. The new suit of clothes which he donned on his arrival in New York were ill-fitting garments, and showed the creases made while packed in the valise; and for a long time after he began his speech and before he became warmed up he imagined that the audience noticed the contract between his Western clothes and the neat-fitting suits of Mr. Bryant and others who sat on the platform. The collar of his coat on the right side had an unpleasant way of flying up whenever he raised his arm to gesticulate. He imagined the audience noticed that also. After the meeting closed, the newspaper reporters called for slips of his speech. This amused him, because he had no idea what slips were, and besides, didn't suppose the newspapers cared to print his speech verbatim. It only remains to say that his speech was devoid of all rhetorical imag
iscuous wrangling of delegates, the deafening roar of the assembled hosts, the contest narrowed down to a neck-and-neck race between the brilliant statesman of Auburn and the less pretentious, but manly rail-splitter from the Sangamon bottoms. With the proceedings of the convention the world is already well familiar. On the first ballot Seward led, but was closely followed by Lincoln; on the second Lincoln gained amazingly; on the third the race was an even one until the dramatic change by Carter, of Ohio, when Lincoln, swinging loose, swept grandly to the front. The cannon planted on the roof of the Wigwam belched forth a boom across the Illinois prairies. The sound was taken up and reverberated from Maine to California. With the nomination of Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, the convention adjourned. The delegates — victorious and vanquished alike — turned their steps homeward, and the great campaign of 1860 had begun. The day before the nomination the editor of the Springfield Jou
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 16
ng other questions which the people are just now caring about, and it will result in gaining no single electoral vote in the South, and losing every one in the North. --Ms. letter to M. W. Delahay.--hearers and were enthusiastically approved. By the close of the year he was back again in the dingy law office in Springfield. The opening of the year 1860 found Mr. Lincoln's name freely mentioned in connection with the Republican nomination for the Presidency. To be classed with Seward, Chase, McLean, and other celebrities was enough to stimulate any Illinois lawyer's pride; but in Mr. Lincoln's case, if it had any such effect, he was most artful in concealing it. Now and then some ardent friend, an editor, for example, would run his name up to the mast-head, but in all cases he discouraged the attempt. In regard to the matter you spoke of, he answered one man who proposed his name, I beg that you will not give it a further mention. Seriously, I do not think I am fit for the Pr
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 16
d believed he would write a lecture on Man and His Progress. Afterwards I re a~d in a paper that he had come to either Bloomington or Clinton to lecture and no one turned out. The paper added, That doesn't look much like his being President. I once joked him about it;, e s? id good-naturedly Don't; that plagues me. --Henry a. Whitney letter, Aug. 27, 1867. The effort met with the disapproval of his friends, and he himself was filled with disgust. If his address in 1852, over the death of Clay, proved that he was no eulogist, then this last effort demonstrated that he was no lecturer. Invitations to deliver the lecture — prompted no doubt by the advertisement given him in the contest with Douglas — came in very freely; but beyond the three attempts named, he declined them all. Press of business in the courts afforded him a convenient excuse, and he retired from the field. Springfield, March 28, 1859. W. M. Morris, Esq., Dear Sir:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a l
David Davis (search for this): chapter 16
ise along the corridor of all coming time. A week later the hosts were gathered for the great convention in Chicago. David Davis had rented rooms in the Tremont House and opened up Lincoln's headquarters. I was not a delegate, but belonged to then had given a letter authorizing the withdrawal of his name whenever his friends deemed such action necessary or proper. Davis was the active man, and had the business management in charge. If any negotiations were made, he made them. The convente. Then he added in words underscored. Make no contracts that will bind me. This paper was brought into the room where Davis, Judd, Logan, and I were gathered, and was read to us. But Lincoln was down in Springfield, some distance away from Chicago, and could therefore not appreciate the gravity of the situation; at least so Davis argued, and, viewing it in that light, the latter went ahead with his negotiations. What the consequences of these deals were will appear later on. The news of h
M. W. Delahay (search for this): chapter 16
he Republican standard. This is the indispensable condition of a union with us: it is idle to talk of any other. Any other would be as fruitless to the South as distasteful to the North, the whole ending in common defeat. Let a union be attempted on the basis of ignoring the slavery question, and magnifying other questions which the people are just now caring about, and it will result in gaining no single electoral vote in the South, and losing every one in the North. --Ms. letter to M. W. Delahay.--hearers and were enthusiastically approved. By the close of the year he was back again in the dingy law office in Springfield. The opening of the year 1860 found Mr. Lincoln's name freely mentioned in connection with the Republican nomination for the Presidency. To be classed with Seward, Chase, McLean, and other celebrities was enough to stimulate any Illinois lawyer's pride; but in Mr. Lincoln's case, if it had any such effect, he was most artful in concealing it. Now and then
W. M. Dickson (search for this): chapter 16
its payment. The proprietors shrewdly surmised that a letter to the nominee for the Presidency would bring the money. The only significance in this incident is in the letter it brought from Mr. Lincoln, revealing his indignation at the seeming imputation against his honor, and his greater indignation at one item of the bill. As to wines, liquors, and cigars, we had none, absolutely none. These last may have been in Room 15 by order of committee, but I do not recollect them at all. --W. M. Dickson, Harper's Magazine, June, 1884. During the fall of 1859 invitations to take part in the canvass came from over half-a-dozen States where elections were to be held, Douglas, fresh from the Senate, had gone to Ohio, and thither in September Lincoln, in response to the demands of party friends everywhere, followed. He delivered telling and impressive speeches at Cincinnati and Columbus, Douglas had written a long and carefully prepared article on Popular Sovereignty in the territor
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 16
ook. attempts to lecture. on the stump with Douglas in Ohio. incidents of the Ohio canvass. thee advertisement given him in the contest with Douglas — came in very freely; but beyond the three adifference of position between himself and Judge Douglas on the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, he said: Judge Douglas has had a good deal of trouble with Popular Sovereignty. His explanations, ex publishing his speeches, along with those of Douglas, to be used and distributed as a campaign docat the time of the debate between Lincoln and Douglas, was a book publisher in Springfield. Lincoln by virtue of his course in the contest with Douglas. Lincoln's friend in Kansas, instead of secu vote of 1,857,610 for Lincoln; 1,291,574 for Douglas; 850,022 for Breckenridge; and 646,124 for Beived 180 votes, Breckenridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12. Lincoln electors were chosen in seventn between Democrats, Lincoln secured four and Douglas three of the electors. Alabama, Arkansas, De[7 more...]
Jesse K. Dubois (search for this): chapter 16
eward, who had already freely exercised the rights of leadership in the party. All other competitors he dropped out of the problem. In the middle of April he again writes his Kansas friend: Reaching home last night I found yours of the 7th. You know I was recently in New England. Some of the acquaintances while there write me since the election that the close vote in Connecticut and the quasi-defeat in Rhode Island are a drawback upon the prospects of Governor Seward; and Trumbull writes Dubois to the same effect. Do not mention this as coming from me. Both these States are safe enough in the fall. But, while Seward may have lost ground near his home, he was acquiring strength in the West. He had invaded the very territory Lincoln was intending to retain by virtue of his course in the contest with Douglas. Lincoln's friend in Kansas, instead of securing that delegation for him, had suffered the Seward men to outgeneral him, and the prospects were by no means flattering. I see
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