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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik. Search the whole document.

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Jim Wilson (search for this): chapter 16
hour his opponents would agree with every word he uttered; and from that point he would lead them off little by little until it seemed as if he had got them all into his fold. He is far from prepossessing in personal appearance, and his voice is disagreeable; and yet he wins your attention from the start. He indulges in no flowers of rhetoric, no eloquent passages . . .. He displays more shrewdness, more knowledge of the masses of mankind than any public speaker we have heard since Long Jim Wilson left for California. Lincoln's return to Springfield after his dazzling success in the East was the signal for earnest congratulations on the part of his friends. Seward was the great man of the day, but Lincoln had demonstrated to the satisfaction of his friends that he was tall enough and strong enough to measure swords with the Auburn statesman. His triumph in New York and New England had shown that the idea of a house divided against itself induced as strong cooperation and heart
Henry C. Whitney (search for this): chapter 16
oft on the wonderful progress of man, delivered in the preceding November. Sometime later he told us-Swett and me — that he had been thinking much on the subject and believed he would write a lecture on Man and His Progress. Afterwards I re a~d in a paper that he had come to either Bloomington or Clinton to lecture and no one turned out. The paper added, That doesn't look much like his being President. I once joked him about it;, e s? id good-naturedly Don't; that plagues me. --Henry a. Whitney letter, Aug. 27, 1867. The effort met with the disapproval of his friends, and he himself was filled with disgust. If his address in 1852, over the death of Clay, proved that he was no eulogist, then this last effort demonstrated that he was no lecturer. Invitations to deliver the lecture — prompted no doubt by the advertisement given him in the contest with Douglas — came in very freely; but beyond the three attempts named, he declined them all. Press of business in the courts afforded <
Lyman Trumbull (search for this): chapter 16
y fastened on Seward, who had already freely exercised the rights of leadership in the party. All other competitors he dropped out of the problem. In the middle of April he again writes his Kansas friend: Reaching home last night I found yours of the 7th. You know I was recently in New England. Some of the acquaintances while there write me since the election that the close vote in Connecticut and the quasi-defeat in Rhode Island are a drawback upon the prospects of Governor Seward; and Trumbull writes Dubois to the same effect. Do not mention this as coming from me. Both these States are safe enough in the fall. But, while Seward may have lost ground near his home, he was acquiring strength in the West. He had invaded the very territory Lincoln was intending to retain by virtue of his course in the contest with Douglas. Lincoln's friend in Kansas, instead of securing that delegation for him, had suffered the Seward men to outgeneral him, and the prospects were by no means fla
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
ular vote of 1,857,610 for Lincoln; 1,291,574 for Douglas; 850,022 for Breckenridge; and 646,124 for Bell. In the electoral college Lincoln received 180 votes, Breckenridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12. Lincoln electors were chosen in seventeen of the free States, as follows: Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, California, Oregon; and in one State,--New Jersey,--owing to a fusion between Democrats, Lincoln secured four and Douglas three of the electors. Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and Texas went for Breckenridge; Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia for Bell; while Douglas secured only one entire State--Missouri. Mr. Lincoln having now been elected, there remained, before taking up the reins of government, the details of his departure from Springfield, and the selection of a cabinet.
Springfield (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
excuse, and he retired from the field. Springfield, March 28, 1859. W. M. Morris, Esq., Det he had failed to induce any publisher in Springfield to undertake the enterprise, A gentleman Lincoln procured a copy and gave it to his Springfield friend, writing on the fly-leaf, Complimente was back again in the dingy law office in Springfield. The opening of the year 1860 found Mr.left for California. Lincoln's return to Springfield after his dazzling success in the East was ails that Lincoln sat still in his chair in Springfield, and that one of those unlooked-for-tides iand was read to us. But Lincoln was down in Springfield, some distance away from Chicago, and couldoflowing is a copy of the original Ms.: Springfield, Ill., October 10, 1860. Dear William: I cawing is Lincoln's letter of acceptance: Springfield, Ill., June 23, 1860. Sir: I accept the nomeins of government, the details of his departure from Springfield, and the selection of a cabinet. [5 more...]
Quincy, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
t in his behalf as a Presidential aspirant was the action taken by his friends at a meeting held in the State House early in 1860, in the rooms of O. M. Hatch, then Secretary of State. Besides Hatch there were present Norman B. Judd, chairman of the Republican State Committee, Ebenezer Peek, Jackson Grimshaw, and others of equal prominence in the party, we all expressed a personal preference for Mr. Lincoln, relates one who was a participant in the meeting, Jackson Grimshaw. Letter, Quincy, Ill., April 28, 1866, Ms. as the Illinois candidate for the Presidency, and asked him if his name might be used at once in connection with the nomination and election. With his characteristic modesty he doubted whether he could get the nomination even if he wished it, and asked until the next morning to answer us whether his name might be announced. Late the next day he authorized us, if we though proper to do so, to place him in the field. To the question from Mr. Grimshaw whether, if the
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
meeting in the office of the Secretary of State. the Cooper Institute speech. speaking in New England. Looming up. preparing for Chicago. letters to a friend. the Decatur convention. John Hal. It was plain now that Lincoln had captured the metropolis. From New York he travelled to New England to visit his son Robert, who was attending college. In answer to the many calls and invitathire. In all these places he not only left deep impressions of his ability, but he convinced New England of his intense earnestness in the great cause. The newspapers treated him with no little conh and strong enough to measure swords with the Auburn statesman. His triumph in New York and New England had shown that the idea of a house divided against itself induced as strong cooperation and Kansas friend: Reaching home last night I found yours of the 7th. You know I was recently in New England. Some of the acquaintances while there write me since the election that the close vote in Co
Galesburg (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
he was no eulogist, then this last effort demonstrated that he was no lecturer. Invitations to deliver the lecture — prompted no doubt by the advertisement given him in the contest with Douglas — came in very freely; but beyond the three attempts named, he declined them all. Press of business in the courts afforded him a convenient excuse, and he retired from the field. Springfield, March 28, 1859. W. M. Morris, Esq., Dear Sir:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which made it a waste of no time whatever. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. He returned to the city two years after with a fame as wide as the continent, with the laurels of the Douglas contest on his brow, and the Presidency in his grasp. He returned, greeted with the thunder of
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
reference was in any event a very labored and extended one. Mr. Lincoln obtained most of the facts of his Cooper Institute speech from Eliott's Debates on the Federal Constitution. There were six volumes, which he gave to me when he went to Washington in 1861. The day following the Cooper Institute meeting, the leading New York dailies published the speech in full, and made favorable editorial mention of it and of the speaker as well. It was plain now that Lincoln had captured the metropoliubilant and effusive friend, of the mighty consequences of this little incident; little did I think that the tall, and angular, and bony rail-splitter who stood in girlish diffidence bowing with awkward grace would fill the chair once filed by Washington, and that his name would echo in chants of praise along the corridor of all coming time. A week later the hosts were gathered for the great convention in Chicago. David Davis had rented rooms in the Tremont House and opened up Lincoln's headq
Franklin (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
ere elections were to be held, Douglas, fresh from the Senate, had gone to Ohio, and thither in September Lincoln, in response to the demands of party friends everywhere, followed. He delivered telling and impressive speeches at Cincinnati and Columbus, Douglas had written a long and carefully prepared article on Popular Sovereignty in the territories, which appeared for the first time in the September (1859) number of Harper's Magazine. It went back some distance into the history of the government, recounting the proceedings of the earliest Congresses, and sought to mark out more clearly than had heretofore been done the dividing line between Federal and Local authority. In a speech at Columbus, O., Lincoln answered the copy-right essay categorically. After alluding to the difference of position between himself and Judge Douglas on the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, he said: Judge Douglas has had a good deal of trouble with Popular Sovereignty. His explanations, explanatory
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