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nically compared the process to that of a man trying to shovel a bushel of fleas across a barn floor. While the month of May insensibly slipped away amid these preparatory vexations, camps of instruction rapidly grew to small armies at a few principal points, even under such incidental delay and loss; and during June the confronting Union and Confederate forces began to produce the conflicts and casualties of earnest war. As yet they were both few and unimportant: the assassination of Ellsworth when Alexandria was occupied; a slight cavalry skirmish at Fairfax Court House; the rout of a Confederate regiment at Philippi, West Virginia; the blundering leadership through which two Union detachments fired upon each other in the dark at Big Bethel, Virginia; the ambush of a Union railroad train at Vienna Station; and Lyon's skirmish, which scattered the first collection of rebels at Boonville, Missouri. Comparatively speaking, all these were trivial in numbers of dead and wounded — t
Joseph E. Johnston (search for this): chapter 15
easily be measured. So, also, were the similar cases of Adjutant-General Cooper and Quartermaster-General Johnston. In gratifying contrast stands the steadfast loyalty and devotion of Lieutenant-Genouthwest of Washington. Another Confederate force of about ten thousand, under General J. E. Johnston, was collected at Winchester and Harper's Ferry on the Potomac, to guard the entrance to the Shenandoah valley; and an understanding existed between Johnston and Beauregard, that in case either were attacked, the other would come to his aid by the quick railroad transportation between the two pf Harper's Ferry, in numbers nearly or quite double that of his antagonist, should move against Johnston, and either fight or hold him so that he could not come to the aid of Beauregard. At the council McDowell emphasized the danger of such a junction; but General Scott assured him: If Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have Patterson on his heels. With this understanding, McDowell's movement w
icers of the army and navy-perhaps one third-abandoned the allegiance which they had sworn to the United States, and, under the false doctrine of State supremacy taught by Southern leaders, gave their professional skill and experience to the destruction of the government which had educated and honored them. The defection of Robert E. Lee was a conspicuous example, and his loss to the Union and service to the rebel army cannot easily be measured. So, also, were the similar cases of Adjutant-General Cooper and Quartermaster-General Johnston. In gratifying contrast stands the steadfast loyalty and devotion of Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, who, though he was a Virginian and loved his native State, never wavered an instant in his allegiance to the flag he had heroically followed in the War of 1812, and triumphantly planted over the capital of Mexico in 1847. Though unable to take the field, he as general-in-chief directed the assembling and first movements of the Union troops.
is had hurried his regiments thither to sustain or overawe Baltimore; and when that prospect failed, it became a rebel camp of instruction. Afterward, as Major-General Patterson collected his Pennsylvania quota, he turned it toward that point as a probable field of operations. As a mere town, Harper's Ferry was unimportant; but, an contemplated that Brigadier-General McDowell should march from Washington against Manassas and Bull Run, with a force sufficient to beat Beauregard, while General Patterson, who had concentrated the bulk of the Pennsylvania regiments in the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry, in numbers nearly or quite double that of his antagonist,hnston, and either fight or hold him so that he could not come to the aid of Beauregard. At the council McDowell emphasized the danger of such a junction; but General Scott assured him: If Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have Patterson on his heels. With this understanding, McDowell's movement was ordered to begin on July 9.
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 15
5. Davis's proclamation for privateers- Lincoln's proclamation of blockade the call for threutrality Seward's 21st-of May despatch Lincoln's Corrections preliminary skirmishes forwers of marque, was met two days later by President Lincoln's counter-proclamation instituting a blo law yet existed for these measures; but President Lincoln took the responsibility of ordering themonths between the presidential election and Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, gave the rebellion an immen. Before Charles Francis Adams, whom President Lincoln appointed as the new minister to England When Mr. Seward read the document to President Lincoln, the latter at once perceived its objectase of official work devolve upon him as President Lincoln during the early months of his administrtrains brought to the Washington camps; and Mr. Lincoln several times ironically compared the procermed and equipped for field service. President Lincoln was fully alive to the need of meeting t[1 more...]
John Russell (search for this): chapter 15
cast. The course of events appeared not merely to fulfil their expectations, but also, in the case of England and France, gratified their eager hopes. To England it promised cheap cotton and free trade with the South. To France it appeared to open the way for colonial ambitions which Napoleon III so soon set on foot on an imperial scale. Before Charles Francis Adams, whom President Lincoln appointed as the new minister to England, arrived in London and obtained an interview with Lord John Russell, Mr. Seward had already received several items of disagreeable news. One was that, prior to his arrival, the Queen's proclamation of neutrality had been published, practically raising the Confederate States to the rank of a belligerent power, and, before they had a single privateer afloat, giving these an equality in British ports with United States ships of war. Another was that an understanding had been reached between England and France which would lead both governments to take the
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 15
Chapter 15. Davis's proclamation for privateers- Lincoln's proclamation of blockade the call for three years volunteers Southern military preparations rebel capital moved to Richmond with siege and possible capture, fully demonstrated the beginning of serious civil war. Jefferson Davis's proclamation, on April 17, of intention to issue letters of marque, was met two days late Four different calls for Southern volunteers had been made, aggregating 82,000 men; and Jefferson Davis's message now proposed to further organize and hold in readiness an army of 100,000. The wk of volunteers to fill the companies and regiments which the Confederate legislators authorized Davis to accept, either by regular calls on State executives in accordance with, or singly in defiancat point, it was at once occupied by a handful of rebel militia; and immediately thereafter Jefferson Davis had hurried his regiments thither to sustain or overawe Baltimore; and when that prospect f
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 15
centration at Harper's Ferry concentration at Fortress Monroe and Cairo English neutrality Seward's 21st-of May despatch Lincoln's Corrections preliminary skirmishes forward to Richmond e new minister to England, arrived in London and obtained an interview with Lord John Russell, Mr. Seward had already received several items of disagreeable news. One was that, prior to his arrival, Under the irritation produced by this hasty and equivocal action of the British government, Mr. Seward wrote a despatch to Mr. Adams under date of May 21, which, had it been sent in the form of theeat of indignation, was so blunt and exasperating as to imply intentional disrespect. When Mr. Seward read the document to President Lincoln, the latter at once perceived its objectionable tone, aring it within all the dignity and reserve of the most studied diplomatic courtesy. If, after Mr. Seward's remarkable memorandum of April i, the Secretary of State had needed any further experience t
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 15
France, gratified their eager hopes. To England it promised cheap cotton and free trade with the South. To France it appeared to open the way for colonial ambitions which Napoleon III so soon set on foot on an imperial scale. Before Charles Francis Adams, whom President Lincoln appointed as the new minister to England, arrived in London and obtained an interview with Lord John Russell, Mr. Seward had already received several items of disagreeable news. One was that, prior to his arrival,itish minister had not yet seen, but whom he had caused to be informed that he was not unwilling to see unofficially. Under the irritation produced by this hasty and equivocal action of the British government, Mr. Seward wrote a despatch to Mr. Adams under date of May 21, which, had it been sent in the form of the original draft, would scarcely have failed to lead to war between the two nations. While it justly set forth with emphasis and courage what the government of the United States wo
Winfield Scott (search for this): chapter 15
ral Johnston. In gratifying contrast stands the steadfast loyalty and devotion of Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, who, though he was a Virginian and loved his native State, never wavered an instaalso the southernmost point of the earliest military frontier, it had been the first care of General Scott to occupy it; and, indeed, it proved itself to be the military key of the whole Mississippi y campaigns to reduce the insurgent States to allegiance. Even the great military genius of General Scott was unable to do more than suggest a vague outline for the work. The problem was not only t at the Executive Mansion, to discuss a more formidable campaign than had yet been planned. General Scott was opposed to such an undertaking at that time. He preferred waiting until autumn, meanwhihe aid of Beauregard. At the council McDowell emphasized the danger of such a junction; but General Scott assured him: If Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have Patterson on his heels. With this
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