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1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
Preface. Upon urgent and repeated request from the publishers, the author consented to lay aside temporarily a larger and more important literary task, to write for them this initial volume of the Campaigns of the civil War. Personal observation and long previous investigation had furnished him a great variety of new material for the work; and this was opportunely supplemented by the recent publication of the Official War Records for 1861, both Union and Confederate, opening to comparison and use an immense mass of historical data, and furnishing the definite means of verifying or correcting the statements of previous writers. Under these advantages the author has written the present volume, basing his work on materials of unquestioned authenticity-books, documents, and manuscripts-and, indeed, for the greater part, on official public records. His effort has been a conscientious and painstaking one, making historical accuracy his constant aim. If, unfortunately, he has commi
February 26th, 1881 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ous and painstaking one, making historical accuracy his constant aim. If, unfortunately, he has committed any errors, he hopes they may prove only such as from the meagreness or conflicting nature of the evidence any one might fall into. He would gladly have appended to his pages full references and citations, but want of space absolutely forbade. So many kind friends have encouraged and aided him, that he finds it impossible to acknowledge their services in detail, and therefore takes this occasion to return to one and all his sincere thanks. Government officials, especially, of all grades, have with uniform courtesy afforded him every facility in their power. Without free access to the various departments and archives-and, above all, to the vast historical treasures of the Library of Congress — it would have been exceedingly difficult to gather and verify the numerous facts, quotations, names, and dates, which his narrative required. Washington, D. C., February 26, 1881
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 1
ous and painstaking one, making historical accuracy his constant aim. If, unfortunately, he has committed any errors, he hopes they may prove only such as from the meagreness or conflicting nature of the evidence any one might fall into. He would gladly have appended to his pages full references and citations, but want of space absolutely forbade. So many kind friends have encouraged and aided him, that he finds it impossible to acknowledge their services in detail, and therefore takes this occasion to return to one and all his sincere thanks. Government officials, especially, of all grades, have with uniform courtesy afforded him every facility in their power. Without free access to the various departments and archives-and, above all, to the vast historical treasures of the Library of Congress — it would have been exceedingly difficult to gather and verify the numerous facts, quotations, names, and dates, which his narrative required. Washington, D. C., February 26, 188
1860 AD (search for this): chapter 2
Excited to ambition by this success, she sought to perpetuate that control. The extension of slavery and the creation of additional Slave States was a necessary step in the scheme, and became the well-defined single issue in the presidential election. But in this contest the South for the first time me: overwhelming defeat. The choice of Lincoln was a conclusive and final decision, in legal form and by constitutional majorities, that slavery should not be extended; and the popular vote of 1860 transferred the balance of power irrevocably to the Free States. In the political discussions throughout this presidential campaign, as well as in preceding years, the South had made free and loud use of two leading arguments, always with telling effect: the first, to intimidate the North, was the threat of disunion; the second, to fire the Southern heart, was the entirely unfounded alarm-cry that the North, if successful, would not merely exclude slavery from federal territories, but wou
1788 AD (search for this): chapter 2
iate outgrowth of the current conspiracy, and doubtless counted many of the conspirators among its members. It therefore needed no time to make up its mind. On the fourth day of its term it passed unanimously what it called an Ordinance of Secession, in the following words: We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us in convention on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved. Conscious that this document bore upon its face the plain contradiction of their pretended authority, and its own palpable
December (search for this): chapter 2
singing of the Marseillaise — there is not room to enumerate the follies to which the general populace, especially of Charleston, devoted their days and nights. There was universal satisfaction; to the conspirators, because their schemes were progressing; to the rabble, because it had a continuous holiday. Amid unflagging excitement of this character, which re, ceived a daily stimulus from similar proceedings beginning and growing in other Cotton States, November and the first half of December passed away. Meanwhile a new governor, Francis W. Pickens, a revolutionist of a yet more radical type than his predecessor, was chosen by the Legislature and inaugurated, and the members of the Convention authorized by the Legislature were chosen at an election held on December 6th. The South Carolina Convention met at Columbia, the capital of the State, according to appointment, on December 17, 1860, but, on account of a local epidemic, at once adjourned to Charleston. That body was, li
November (search for this): chapter 2
rchase of fire-arms and powder, singing of the Marseillaise — there is not room to enumerate the follies to which the general populace, especially of Charleston, devoted their days and nights. There was universal satisfaction; to the conspirators, because their schemes were progressing; to the rabble, because it had a continuous holiday. Amid unflagging excitement of this character, which re, ceived a daily stimulus from similar proceedings beginning and growing in other Cotton States, November and the first half of December passed away. Meanwhile a new governor, Francis W. Pickens, a revolutionist of a yet more radical type than his predecessor, was chosen by the Legislature and inaugurated, and the members of the Convention authorized by the Legislature were chosen at an election held on December 6th. The South Carolina Convention met at Columbia, the capital of the State, according to appointment, on December 17, 1860, but, on account of a local epidemic, at once adjourned to
October (search for this): chapter 2
s. She was exclusive, aristocratic, reactionary; had a narrow distrust of popular participation in government, and longed for the distinctions of caste and privilege in society. It would seem that, before the governors' replies were all received, the consultation or caucus for which they were solicited was held, and the programme of insurrection agreed upon. Circumstances rendered a special session of the South Carolina Legislature necessary. The election was held during the month of October. Local fanaticism tolerated no opposition party in the State, and under the manipulation of the conspirators the prevailing question was, who was the most zealous resistance candidate. To a legislature elected from this kind of material, Governor Gist, on November 5th, sent a defiant, revolutionary message-the first official notice and proclamation of insurrection. He declared that our institutions were in danger from the hostility of the fixed majorities of the North; and recommended t
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 2
onvention as soon as it was ascertained that a majority of Lincoln electors were chosen in the then pending presidential elecso wrote the governor under date of October 18th, consider Lincoln's election a sufficient cause for disunion, and the Legislor the first time me: overwhelming defeat. The choice of Lincoln was a conclusive and final decision, in legal form and by f November 7th brought the certain news of the election of Lincoln and Hamlin on the previous day, and the rejoicings which wis not an event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slavll and of Douglas were demoralized and suspicious. Where Lincoln's election was, so unexpectedly to many, rendered certain, faith required the South to abide the election in peace. Lincoln could do her no harm against an adverse House and Senate. State. Before this had taken place, the newly inaugurated Lincoln administration sent a messenger to Houston, who was still
A. G. Brown (search for this): chapter 2
truggle, but that there was any serious contest at all. With all this, there is strong ground for belief that insurrection gained its ends at last only through chicane, deceit, and fraud. Not a single Cotton State but Texas dared to submit its Ordinance of Secession to a direct vote of the people. The struggle assumed its most determined phase in Georgia. She was the Empire State of the South, and, therefore, indispensable to the conspiracy, in which distinguished citizens of hers-Governor Brown, Secretary Cobb, Senators Toombs and Iverson, and others — were conspicuous ringleaders. The more rabid fire-eaters desired that the Legislature should at once pass an act of secession; Stephens and other conservatives opposed this course. The Legislature were not elected for such a purpose, said he. They came here to do their duty as legislators. They have sworn to support the Constitution of the United States. They did not come here to disrupt this government. I am, therefore, for
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