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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
legislation for the dissolution of the Union; offensive to the Senate and to the whole country. If this Union is ever to be dissolved, it must be by the action of the States and the people. Whatever power Congress holds, it holds under the Constitution, and that power is but a part of the Union. Congress has no power to legislate upon that which will be the destruction of the whole foundations upon which their authority rests. I recollect, a good many years ago, that the Senator from Massachusetts who addressed the Senate this morning (John Davis), very pointedly described the right of petition as a very humble right — as the mere right to beg. This is my own view. The right peacefully to assemble, I hold, as the right which it was intended to grant to the people; that was the only right which had ever been denied in our colonial condition; the right of petition had never been denied by Parliament. It was intended only to secure to the people, I say, the right peacefully to asse
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
to insist on domination, instead of that equality of constitutional rights which, it had been hoped, had been secured by the founders of the Union, and was solemnly guaranteed by the Federal Constitution. The great domain added to the Union by the war with Mexico was absorbed by the North, although it was the valor and military skill of Southern soldiers, chiefly, that won the victory. Southern resistance to these aggressions was soon organized in the political movements of the day. Mississippi led the way. A public meeting at Jackson, urged a State Convention to consider the alarming situation of the South, now that the balance of political equality had been destroyed and fraternal amity had ceased to exist, and to suggest remedies for asserting and maintaining her rights under the Constitution. It began to be seen and announced in the South, that the only effectual remedy left was, or would soon be, the withdrawal of the Southern States from the Union. Such declarations wer
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
George Washington (search for this): chapter 31
at is there so sacred in the Mss. of this Address? It is known to have been the production of Washington and one, at least, of his Cabinet — not the emanation of his mind alone. I feel no such respect as has been here expressed for it, and I cannot perceive how this Ms. is to effect such happy results. Anyone can have a printed copy, and read it, who desires. There is nothing to be gained by the purchase of this Ms., any more than there would be in the purchase of a walking-stick which Washington used. I may be pardoned for a want of veneration for relics, or for symbols of the faith of the faithful; nay, more, for saying that a devotion to men which extends to the inanimate objects connected with them is an extreme unworthy of our people. We are utilitarians, and it is not in keeping with that character to be led away by sentiment. The rough sketch of this Address, connected with the work of others, and showing what was his own, would be far more valuable to me than this, the
Fillmore (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
Daniel O'Connell (search for this): chapter 31
urged by the Senator from New York. Thus presented, the question is, whether the United States Senate-partly composed of those who represent a slave-holding constituency-shall vote an extraordinary compliment to one known as the ally of Daniel O'Connell in his attempt to incite the Irishmen--naturalized citizens of the United States--to unite as a body with the abolitionists in their nefarious designs against the peace, the property, and the constitutional rights of the Southern States. Ancertainly abate nothing of respect and sympathy because of his clerical character and the land of his nativity. If either one or the other had led me into error, it would have been that of compliance, not resistance. Irishmen, not allied with O'Connell and abolitionism, take, in my sympathies, the next place to our brethren; but the mere name of Irish Patriot is not sufficient to be the controlling influence. My first duty, my nearest ties are at home, and I will say of the horde of abolitio
Badger (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
Corwin (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
David Hunter (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
W. H. Seward (search for this): chapter 31
sequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mted to sit within the bar of the Senate during the period of his sojourn in Washington. This resolution was favored by Mr. Seward and other Northern senators, but it was opposed by the Southern members, on the ground that Father Mathew, in the languns, had been charged with denouncing one portion of the Confederacy as little better than a band of lawless pirates. Mr. Seward, in an insidious speech eulogizing Father Mathew's services as a temperance orator, ended by expressing the hope that tunder the pretext of honoring a distinguished foreign guest. He said: I am glad to hear the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) place this movement upon a distinct basis — to know that it is advocated because of the opinions in relation to domest
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