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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
hts of any except the colored race, organized a conspiracy, an account of which, written by President Buchanan, Mr. Buchanan's Administration, p. 62, is subjoined. John Brown was a man violent, lawless, and fanatical. Amid the troubles in Kansas he had distinguished himself, both by word and by deed, for boldness and cruelty. His ruling passion was to become the instrument of abolishing slavery by the strong hand, throughout the slave-holding States. With him this amounted almost to inThe Thirty-sixth Congress opened December 7, 1859. The political outlook was gloomy, and threatening storms were lowering everywhere. The whole country was greatly excited, and armed factions were carrying on a guerilla warfare on the plains of Kansas--the factions there being divided on sectional lines. They were the shadows of the coming war. The minds of men, both in and out of Congress, had become fixed, with feverish interest, on this petty but tragically significant conflict in the
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
ublicans in the Senate, had sent to the House twenty-one Republicans out of a delegation of thirty-three. Pennsylvania, intent on getting rid of her fealty to the Democratic party as quickly as she could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirty-sixth Congress, at the opening of the first session, the roll stood, 1
John Sherman (search for this): chapter 43
— a gain ominous for those who had hoped against hope to obtain, within the Union, the justice guaranteed by the Constitution. The Republicans, however, could not boast of a decided majority, the balance of power being held by a few members still adhering to the virtually extinct Whig and American (or Know-nothing ) organizations, and a smaller number whose position was doubtful or irregular. The contest for Speaker was memorable both for its length and the fierce passions it aroused. John Sherman, of Ohio, carried his party with him-except three votes-through more than seven weeks, from the second to the fortieth ballot. On January 30th, finding his election impossible, he withdrew. His withdrawal set free the dead-lock. Two days afterward, in the forty-fourth ballot — William Pennington, a Republican of New Jersey, accepted as a compromise candidate, was elected by a majority of one vote. Besides the Kansas question, another cause had contributed to the rapid growth of th
other cause had contributed to the rapid growth of the Republican party. This was, as Mr. Davis has elsewhere explained, the dissension among the Democrats occasioned by the introduction of the doctrine called by its inventors and advocates popular sovereignty, or non-intervention, but more generally and more accurately known as squatter sovereignty. Its origin is generally attributed to General Cass, who is supposed to have suggested it in some general expressions of his celebrated Nicholson letter, written in December, 1847. On the 16th and 17th of May, 1860, it became necessary for me, in a debate in the Senate, to review that letter of Mr. Cass. From my remarks then made the following extract is taken: The Senator (Mr. Douglas) might have remembered, if he had chosen to recollect so unimportant a thing, that I once had to explain to him, ten years ago, the fact that I repudiated the doctrine of that letter at the time it was published, and that the Democracy of Mis
erely as the isolated act of a desperate fanatic, it would have had no lasting effect. It was the enthusiastic and permanent approbation of the object of his expedition by the abolitionists of the North which spread alarm and apprehension throughout the South. We are told by Fowler, in his Sectional Controversy, that on the day of Brown's execution bells were tolled in many places, cannon fired, and prayers offered up for him as if he were a martyr; he was placed in the same category with Paul and Silas, for whom prayers were made by the church, and churches were draped in mourning. Nor were these honors to his memory a mere transient burst of feeling. The Republican party have ever since honored him as a saint or a martyr in a cause which they deemed so holy. According to them, while his body moulders in the dust, his spirit is still marching on in the van to accomplish his bloody purposes. Even blasphemy, which it would be improper to repeat, has been employed to consecrate h
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 43
overeignty, was absent on account of illness, and there were a few other absentees. While the resolutions were pending, Mr. Davis made every effort personally, and through others supposed to have more influence with Mr. Douglas, to induce him to sanction, or initiate some policy which would reconcile the two extremes upon this question, as the following letter, kindly furnished me by the Hon. Cabell R. Breckenridge, will attest: May 15, 1854. Hon. J. C. Breckenridge. Dear Sir: Mr. Stephens, of Michigan, remarked to me this morning that all the Northern Democrats would vote for Douglas's original substitute. I remarked that it was preferable, and he repeated that every Democrat of the North would support it. As the principal difficulty with the Southern men has arisen from the modifications the bill underwent in the Senate after the substitute was offered, I thought it might be important and write that you may see the Hon. Mr. S., or take such course as you may deem best.
Galusha A. Grow (search for this): chapter 43
ed an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirty-sixth Congress, at the opening of the first session, the roll stood, 109 Republicans to 101 Democrats — a gain ominous for those who had hoped against hope to obtain, within the Union, the justice guaranteed by the Constitution. The Republicans, however, could not boast of a decided majority, the balance of power being held by a few members still adhering to the virtually extinct Whig and American (or Know-nothing ) organizations, and a smal
Francis P. Blair (search for this): chapter 43
House twenty-one Republicans out of a delegation of thirty-three. Pennsylvania, intent on getting rid of her fealty to the Democratic party as quickly as she could, had chosen one Republican for the Senate, and ten out of twenty-five representatives-these latter to be augmented in the Thirty-sixth Congress to twenty. Ohio had furnished an anti-slavery majority to the House, while Indiana and Illinois were, each, within one of a Republican majority. Missouri elected one Republican (Francis P. Blair, Jr.); Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin contributed unbroken delegations against slavery. The results of the contests for the Speakership in these two Congresses were significant. In the Thirty-fifth Congress, James L. Orr, Democrat, of South Carolina, had been elected on a single ballot, by 128 votes against 84 for Galusha A. Grow, the Republican candidate. In the Thirty-sixth Congress, at the opening of the first session, the roll stood, 109 Republicans to 101 Democrats — a gai
ter sovereignty. Its origin is generally attributed to General Cass, who is supposed to have suggested it in some general er me, in a debate in the Senate, to review that letter of Mr. Cass. From my remarks then made the following extract is takeelt for General Taylor. At a subsequent period, however, Mr. Cass thoroughly reviewed it. He uttered (for him) very harsh lcanvass of 1848. It remains only to add that I supported Mr. Cass, not because of the doctrine of the Nicholson letter, but Houses of Congress, and he as honest a man as I believed Mr. Cass to be, would be a safer reliance than his opponent, who p I little thought, at that time, that my advocacy of Mr. Cass upon such grounds as these, or his support by the State oe construction, and it was that doubt alone which secured Mr. Cass the vote of Mississippi. If the true construction had beeaning the generally discreet and conservative statesman, Mr. Cass, may have intended to convey, it is not at all probable t
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 43
tal disregard of the rights of any except the colored race, organized a conspiracy, an account of which, written by President Buchanan, Mr. Buchanan's Administration, p. 62, is subjoined. John Brown was a man violent, lawless, and fanatical. Mr. Buchanan's Administration, p. 62, is subjoined. John Brown was a man violent, lawless, and fanatical. Amid the troubles in Kansas he had distinguished himself, both by word and by deed, for boldness and cruelty. His ruling passion was to become the instrument of abolishing slavery by the strong hand, throughout the slave-holding States. With him the, Hinton Helper, a man formerly from North Carolina, wrote and published a book called The impending crisis, of which Mr. Buchanan said, No book could be better calculated for the purpose of intensifying the mutual hatred between North and Southt this time Mr. Seward came forward into greater prominence, and became the most noted leader of the Republican party. Mr. Buchanan said: He was much more of a politician than a statesman, without strong convictions; he understood the art of preparin
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