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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2. Search the whole document.

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Bangor (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
arties in the North who boldly adhered to the provisions of the Constitution, notably the New York Tribune, the Albany Argus, the New York Herald, and others. A great meeting was held in New York, January 31, 1861, where Governor Seymour asked the pertinent question, If successful coercion by the North is less revolutionary than successful secession by the South? The Detroit Free Press suggested that a fire would be opened on the rear of troops raised to coerce a State. The Union of Bangor, Me., spoke much to the same effect, and even Mr. Lincoln did not care to advocate coercion in his inaugural. Something new and strange was making its home among us, and freemen had not yet learned its name or determined to bid it welcome. Mr. Lincoln deemed it better to forego filling the offices in the South, because it would be irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal. Thus far the conservative men of the North, who, though they differed from the Confederates, mingled no fanatici
Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
the Union; but the North rejected it, and even refused to entertain a series of propositions still less favorable to the South that were offered by Mr. Etheridge. The Confederate Commissioners had been sent to Washington. Mr. Crawford left Montgomery on February 27th, and reached there two or three days before the expiration of Mr. Buchanan's term. He bore a letter to the President from Mr. Davis. Mr. Buchanan had sent an intimation that he would be happy to receive Commissioners from the of it this morning, apparently strengthening all the batteries which are under the fire of our guns, shows that they either have just received some news from Washington which has put them on the qui vive, or that they have received orders from Montgomery to commence operations here. I am preparing, by the side of my barbette guns, protection for our men from the shells which will be almost continually bursting over or in our works. I had the honor to receive by yesterday's mail the letter
Washington, Ga. (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
Mr. Etheridge. The Confederate Commissioners had been sent to Washington. Mr. Crawford left Montgomery on February 27th, and reached therthree discreet, able, and distinguished citizens, who repaired to Washington. Aided by their cordial co-operation and that of the Secretary oce were unobtainable. On the arrival of our Commissioners in Washington, on March 5th, they postponed, at the suggestion of a friendly inourse of the United States Government toward our Commissioners in Washington. For proof of this I refer to the annexed documents, taken in cur guns, shows that they either have just received some news from Washington which has put them on the qui vive, or that they have received or with a large force sailed for Sumter, and the Commissioners left Washington, hopeless of accomplishing anything. That these assurances wed for in Charleston harbor on April gth. Yet our Commissioners in Washington were detained under assurances that notice should be given of any
Charleston Harbor (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
d, in its intention of supplying Fort Sumter. See Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, Appendix L, p. 675, vol. 1. No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the conduct of the Government of the United States toward the Confederacy can be required than is contained in the circumstances which accompanied this notice. According to the usual course of navigation, the vessels composing the expedition, and designed for the relief of Fort Sumter, might be looked for in Charleston harbor on April gth. Yet our Commissioners in Washington were detained under assurances that notice should be given of any military movement. The notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was sent to Charleston to give notice to the Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on April 8th, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be expected to arrive. That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose was not the fault of those who controlled it. A hea
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
conference. If any agreement could be made they were to report to the Confederate Congress for ratification by each State severally. The border States acceded and others followed. Twenty-one States were represented. They met, debated, made propositions and counter-propositions, and adjourned February 27th. Texas and Arkansas were not of the number, because they were at that time passing ordinances of secession. Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the two Pacific States--Oregon and California--held aloof. The two senators from Michigan opposed the Peace Convention, as was afterward learned from a correspondence read in the Senate on February 27th, because it would be a step toward obtaining that concession which the imperious slave power so insolently demands. See letter of S. K. Bingham to Governor Blair of Michigan, Congressional Globe, Second Session, 36th Congress, Part II., page 1147. Finally the writer changed his policy and recommended that true, unflinching men be s
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ld be in favor of the Constitution as it is, or, in other phrase, oppose any effort at pacification of the contending parties. The other Senator wanted stiff-backed delegates, and added that without a little blood-letting the Union would not be worth a rush. Mr. Z. Chandler wrote that Governor Bingham telegraphed him, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are coming in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. See the Congressional Globe, ut supra. A plan was finally agreed upon by the majority of the States present. Its provisions were nearly like the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, which were still under consideration in the Senate, though rather less favorable to the South. But the extreme Radicals objected even to considering it; they failed to prevent its being debated, but, bot
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
Second Session, 36th Congress, Part II., page 1147. Finally the writer changed his policy and recommended that true, unflinching men be sent, who would be in favor of the Constitution as it is, or, in other phrase, oppose any effort at pacification of the contending parties. The other Senator wanted stiff-backed delegates, and added that without a little blood-letting the Union would not be worth a rush. Mr. Z. Chandler wrote that Governor Bingham telegraphed him, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are coming in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. See the Congressional Globe, ut supra. A plan was finally agreed upon by the majority of the States present. Its provisions were nearly like the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, which were still under consideration in the Senate, t
Pensacola (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
, were making strenuous efforts to stay the ill-advised policy of coercion. In the United States Senate Stephen A. Douglas offered a resolution recommending the withdrawal of the garrisons from all forts within the limits of the States which had seceded, except those at Key West and the Dry Tortugas, needful to the United States for coaling stations. He said unless we intended to reduce the seceding States to subjection, that Sumter must revert to the power that should hold Charleston. Pensacola was entitled to Fort Pickens. I proclaim boldly, said the eloquent Senator, the policy of those with whom I act. We are for peace. Mr. Douglas knew that the occupation of the fort was a standing menace and provocation to the people of the South. The Southern people had never as yet given up the hope that the better feelings of the masses at the North would assert themselves, and constantly the expression was heard, Secession was a last resort; would to God it could yet be prevented.
America (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
to maintain our rights, is my ardent prayer. I am, Colonel, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Robert Anderson, Major, First Artillery, commanding. The Count of Paris libels the memory of Major Anderson, and perverts the truth of history in this, as he has done in other particulars, by saying, with reference to the visit of Captain Fox to the Fort, that, having visited Anderson at Fort Sumter, a plan had been agreed upon between them for revictualling the garrison ( Civil War in America, authorized translation, vol. 1., p. 137). Fox himself says, in his published letter, I made no arrangements with Major Anderson for supplying the fort, nor did I inform him of my plan; and Major Anderson, in the letter above, says the idea had been merely hinted at by Captain Fox, and that Colonel Lamon had led him to believe that it had been abandoned. When General Beauregard discovered that Major Anderson was endeavoring to strengthen, in place of evacuating, Fort Sumter, the Commiss
Wheatland (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
e President from Mr. Davis. Mr. Buchanan had sent an intimation that he would be happy to receive Commissioners from the Confederate States, and would refer their communications to the Senate. Mr. Crawford found Washington in a state of great excitement, and an army of office-seekers blocking the pavement in order to interview the President-elect Mr. Lincoln. Care and foreboding sat upon every brow in Congress. Mr. Buchanan was in a state of most thorough alarm, not only for his home at Wheatland, but for his personal safety. He had previously expressed to Mr. Davis his fear of his homeward route being lighted by burning effigies of himself. Actuated by this dread, he refused to receive the Commissioners or send any message to the Senate. Eight days after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln the Commissioners announced their presence and object. The most concise account is found in a message of the Confederate President, sent April 29, 1861. Scarce had you assembled in F
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