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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1..

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William L. Yancey (search for this): chapter 1
ration of the National Government, were the chief business of several delegates in the Convention who were led by such men as John Slidell, of Louisiana, and William L. Yancey, of Alabama, then, and long before, arch-conspirators against the life of the Republic. In June, 1856, a National Democratic Convention was held at Cincin noon, they assembled at Military Hall, when they chose James A. Bayard, of Delaware, to be their president. They declared themselves, by resolution offered by Mr. Yancey, to be entitled to the style of the Constitutional Convention, and sneeringly called those whom they had abandoned, the Rump Convention. On the second day of ed in Richmond, formally assembled at Metropolitan Hall on the 21st, according to appointment, and adjourned from day to day until the evening of the 26th, when Mr. Yancey and many others arrived from Baltimore. The Convention then organized for business, which was soon dispatched. The platform and candidates offered to the part
George Washington (search for this): chapter 1
al dogma. It was because of the prevalence of this dangerous and unpatriotic sentiment in his native State, which was spreading in the Slave-labor States, that Washington gave to his countrymen that magnificent plea for Union--his Farewell Address. According to John Randolph of Roanoke, the Grand Arsenal of Richmond, Virginia, was built with an eye to putting down the Administration of Mr. Adams (the immediate successor of Washington in the office of President) with the bayonet, if it could not be accomplished by other means. --Speech of Randolph in the Iouse of Representatives, January, 1817. and, under the culture of disloyal and ambitious men, after ge occupied by the United States Courthouse. Its interior was well decorated with National emblems. Back of the president's chair was a full-length portrait of Washington, with large American flags, over which hovered an eagle; and the galleries, which were crowded with spectators, were festooned with numerous Union banners. T
Horace Maynard (search for this): chapter 1
on of Mr. Lincoln, which was the result of the great political conflict in the summer and autumn of 1860, soon revealed the existence of a well-organized conspiracy against the life of the Republic, widespread, powerful, and intensely malignant. The leading conspirators were few, and nearly all of them were then, or had been, connected with the National Government, some as legislators, and others as cabinet ministers. They were not so numerous at first, according to a loyal Tennessean (Horace Maynard), who knew them well, as the figures on a chess-board, but became wonderfully productive of their kind. There are those, he said, in a speech in Congress, within reach of my voice, who also know them, and can testify to their utter perfidy; who have been the victims of their want of principle, and whose self-respect has suffered from their insolent and overbearing demeanor. No Northern man was ever admitted to their confidence, and no Southern man, unless it became necessary to keep up
John Randolph (search for this): chapter 1
ause of the prevalence of this dangerous and unpatriotic sentiment in his native State, which was spreading in the Slave-labor States, that Washington gave to his countrymen that magnificent plea for Union--his Farewell Address. According to John Randolph of Roanoke, the Grand Arsenal of Richmond, Virginia, was built with an eye to putting down the Administration of Mr. Adams (the immediate successor of Washington in the office of President) with the bayonet, if it could not be accomplished by other means. --Speech of Randolph in the Iouse of Representatives, January, 1817. and, under the culture of disloyal and ambitious men, after gradual development and long ripening, assumed the form and substance of a rebellion of a few arrogant land and slave holders against popular government. It was the rebellion of an Oligarchy against the people, with whom the sovereign power is rightfully lodged. We will not here discuss the subject of the remote and half-hidden springs of the rebellio
Edward A. Pollard (search for this): chapter 1
platform of principles, but went no further then. They refrained from nominating a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, and refused to listen to a proposition to send forth an address to the people. Their appointed work for the present was finished. They had accomplished the positive disruption of the Democratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing
John Slidell (search for this): chapter 1
called,--that is to say, the doctrine of the right of the people of any Territory of the Republic to decide whether Slavery should or should not exist within its borders,--that he could not, with honor or consistency, make any further concessions to the Slave interest. This, and the positive committal of the Democratic party to a pro-slavery policy in the administration of the National Government, were the chief business of several delegates in the Convention who were led by such men as John Slidell, of Louisiana, and William L. Yancey, of Alabama, then, and long before, arch-conspirators against the life of the Republic. In June, 1856, a National Democratic Convention was held at Cincinnati, when James Buchanan was nominated for President of the United States. A platform was then framed, composed of many resolutions and involved declarations of principles, drawn by the hand of Benjamin F. Hallet, of Boston. These embodied the substance of resolutions on the subject of Slavery,
Caleb Cushing (search for this): chapter 1
ars before. On the morning of the second day of the session, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen permanent President of the Convenwere appointed. The choice of President was very satisfactory. Mr. Cushing was a man of much experience in politics and legislation. He wagy, and his voice was clear and musical. On taking the chair, Mr. Cushing addressed the Convention with great vigor, He declared it to be had withdrawn from that body, was the first to present itself. Mr. Cushing, again in the chair, refused to make any decision, and referred On the following morning, their hopes were utterly blasted when Mr. Cushing, the President of the Convention, and a majority of the Massachuf my country — is approvingly advocated. On the retirement of Mr. Cushing, Governor David Tod, of Ohio, one of the vice-presidents, took tn the Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of Mr. Cushing to preside. That gentleman was greeted, when he ascended the pl
John C. Calhoun (search for this): chapter 1
cratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In May, 1833, President Jackson, in a letter to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, of Georgia, after speaking of the trouble he had endured on account of the Nullifiers, said, The Tariff was only the pretext, and Disunion. and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the Negro or
June, 1856 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ot exist within its borders,--that he could not, with honor or consistency, make any further concessions to the Slave interest. This, and the positive committal of the Democratic party to a pro-slavery policy in the administration of the National Government, were the chief business of several delegates in the Convention who were led by such men as John Slidell, of Louisiana, and William L. Yancey, of Alabama, then, and long before, arch-conspirators against the life of the Republic. In June, 1856, a National Democratic Convention was held at Cincinnati, when James Buchanan was nominated for President of the United States. A platform was then framed, composed of many resolutions and involved declarations of principles, drawn by the hand of Benjamin F. Hallet, of Boston. These embodied the substance of resolutions on the subject of Slavery, drawn up by Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts (afterwards a major-general in the armies of the Republic), and adopted by the Democratic Conv
L. P. Walker (search for this): chapter 1
the Douglas platform — which had been slightly modified, was now offered by B. M. Samuels, of Iowa. It was adopted by a handsome majority. In the Convention now, as in the Committee, the voices of Oregon and California, Free-labor States, were with those of the Slave-labor States. Preconcerted rebellion now lifted its head defiantly. The spirit manifested in the resolutions, speeches, and deportment of the representatives of the Slave interest, now assumed tangible form, in action. L. P. Walker, who was afterward one of the most active insurgents against the National Government, as the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis, led the way. He spoke for the delegates from Alabama, who had been instructed by the convention that appointed them not to acquiesce in or submit to any Popular Sovereignty platform, and, in the event of such being adopted, to withdraw from the Convention. That contingency had now occurred, and the Alabama delegates formally withdrew, in accordance w
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