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Lake Michigan (United States) (search for this): chapter 1
reat speakers and musicians were abundant. The spacious platform, erected in the Square, was spanned by an immense arch, on which were inscribed the words--the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws. Six days after the adjournment of the National Constitutional Union Convention, the representatives of the Republican party assembled in large numbers at Chicago, Illinois--a city of more than one hundred thousand souls, on the verge of a prairie on the western shore of Lake Michigan, where, in 1830, there were only a small fort, and a few scattered houses of traders — a city illustrious as one of the wonders of the growth of our Republic. All of the Free-labor States were fully represented, and there were delegates from several of the Slave-labor States. An immense building of boards, called a Wigwam at Chicago, in 1860. Wigwam, had been erected by the Republicans of Chicago, at an expense of seven thousand dollars, for the special use of the Convention. It
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
hley and Cooper Rivers, on the seacoast of South Carolina, and far away from the centers of populatiute, This building, in which the famous South Carolina Ordinance of Secession was signee (it was consideration assembled, and in which the South Carolina Ordinance of Secession was adopted by the d Texas, three from Arkansas, and all from South Carolina. On the following morning, twenty-six of have observed, the Secession Convention of South Carolina politicians was assemabled when it passed 32 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our n the Congressional conspirators, while the South Carolina delegation, who assumed to be special manaates were represented, excepting Delaware, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Oregon. On the evening ovention adjourned. June 23, 1860. The South Carolina delegation, who remained in Richmond, formigan, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Oregon, South Carolina, and Wisconsin--ten in all. Toward eve
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 1
were led by such men as John Slidell, of Louisiana, and William L. Yancey, of Alabama, then, and long before, arch-conspirators against the life of the Republic. In June, 1856, a National Democratic Convention was held at Cincinnati, when James Buchanan was nominated for President of the United States. A platform was then framed, composed of many resolutions and involved declarations of principles, drawn by the hand of Benjamin F. Hallet, of Boston. These embodied the substance of resolutione standing pre-eminently before this country — a young and gallant son of the South. He then named John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, as a nominee for the Presidency. Mr. Breckinridge was then Vice-president of the United States under President Buchanan, and subsequent events show that he was a co-worker with Davis and others against the Government. He joined the insurgents, and, during a portion of the civil war that ensued, he was the socalled Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis. Veheme
Leslie Coombs (search for this): chapter 1
and great urbanity of manner, was chosen temporary president of the Convention. Credentials of delegates were called for, when it was found that almost one-third of all the States were unrepresented. The States not represented were California, Florida, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Oregon, South Carolina, and Wisconsin--ten in all. Toward evening, after a recess, Governor Hunt was elected permanent President. When the subject of a platform was proposed, Leslie Coombs, of Kentucky, an ardent follower and admirer of Henry Clay, took the floor, and put the Convention in the best of humor by a characteristic little speech. He declared that he had constructed three platforms: one for the harmonious Democracy, who had agreed so beautifully, at Charleston; another for the Republicans, about to assemble at Chicago; and a third for the party then around him. For the first, he proposed the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, which seemed to give licens
Herschel V. Johnson (search for this): chapter 1
rotect the interests of the South. This speech had a powerful effect upon delegates from the Free-labor States, in favor of Mr. Douglas; and of one hundred and ninety-four and a half votes cast, on the second ballot, he received one hundred and eighty-one and a half, when he was declared duly nominated for the Presidency. James Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nominated for Vice-president. Two days afterward, Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, when the National Committee substituted Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. The National Committee assembled at the National Hotel, in Washington City, on the 25th of June. In it all the States were represented, excepting Delaware, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Oregon. On the evening of the 23d, the Convention made a final adjournment. The Maryland Institute in 1860. The seceders, new and old assembled at noon on Saturday, the 23d, in the Maryland Institute Hall, situate on Baltimore Street and Marsh Market Space, a room more than t
Caleb Cushing (search for this): chapter 1
ars before. On the morning of the second day of the session, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen permanent President of the Convenwere appointed. The choice of President was very satisfactory. Mr. Cushing was a man of much experience in politics and legislation. He wagy, and his voice was clear and musical. On taking the chair, Mr. Cushing addressed the Convention with great vigor, He declared it to be had withdrawn from that body, was the first to present itself. Mr. Cushing, again in the chair, refused to make any decision, and referred On the following morning, their hopes were utterly blasted when Mr. Cushing, the President of the Convention, and a majority of the Massachuf my country — is approvingly advocated. On the retirement of Mr. Cushing, Governor David Tod, of Ohio, one of the vice-presidents, took tn the Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of Mr. Cushing to preside. That gentleman was greeted, when he ascended the pl
Thaddeus P. Mott (search for this): chapter 1
gging for admission to seats. These delegates appear to have been representatives of an association of some kind in the city of New York, who sympathized with the Secessionists. They exhibited, as credentials, a certificate of the Trustees of the National Democratic Hall in New York, signed by Samuel B. Williams, Chairman, M. Dudley Bean, Secretary of the Trustees. It was also signed by William Beach Lawrence, Chairman, and James B. Bensel, Secretary, of an Executive Committee; and Thaddeus P. Mott, Chairman, and J. Lawrence, Secretary of the Association, whatever it was. These certified that Gideon J. Tucker and Dr. Charles Edward Lewis Stuart had been appointed delegates at large from the Association ; and that Colonel Baldwin, Isaac Lawrence, James B. Bensel, and James Villiers, had been appointed Delegates, and N. Drake Parsons, James S. Selby: M. Dudley Bean, and A. W. Gilbert, Alternatives, to represent the Association at the Richmond Convention for the nomination of Preside
John C. Breckinridge (search for this): chapter 1
n A. Douglas for the Presidency, 27. nomination of John C. Breckinridge for the Presidency, 28. National constitutional Un young and gallant son of the South. He then named John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, as a nominee for the Presidency. MMr. Breckinridge was then Vice-president of the United States under President Buchanan, and subsequent events show that he waent applause followed. A vote by States was taken, and Breckinridge received eighty-one ballots against twenty-four for Dane latter candidate was withdrawn, and the nomination of Breckinridge was declared. Joseph Lane, of Oregon, was nominated fong candidates of that party (Stephen A. Douglas and John C. Breckinridge) went into the canvass with great bitterness of feet would be imperiled by the election of either Douglas, Breckinridge, or the nominee of the Republican party, whoever he migarer. 2. The wing of the Democratic party led by John C. Breckinridge, who declared that no power existed that might lawf
David A. Smalley (search for this): chapter 1
the wicked acts performed in them, yet (1865) exhibits a ghastly picture of desolation. on Meeting Street, in which three thousand persons might be comfortably seated. The doors were opened at noon. The day was very warm. A refreshing shower had laid the dust at eleven o'clock, and purified the air. The South Carolina Institute. The delegates rapidly assembled. Favored spectators of both sexes soon filled the galleries. The buzz of conversation was silenced by the voice of Judge David A. Smalley, of Vermont, the Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, who called the Convention to order. Francis B. Flournoy, a citizen of the State of Arkansas, was chosen temporary chairman.--He took his seat without making a speech, when the Rev. Charles Hanckel, of Charleston, read a prayer, and the Convention proceeded to business. The session of the first day was occupied in the work of organization. It was evident from the first hour that the spirit of the Slave system, which
Dred Scott (search for this): chapter 1
m to absolute submission to the decisions of the Supreme Court, and to stand firmly upon a pure Popular Sovereignty Platform, which that resolution had eviscerated, for they regarded a late decision of the majority of that court, in the case of Dred Scott, Dred Scott had been a slave in Missouri, but claimed to be a freeman on account of involuntary residence in a free State. The case did not require a decision concerning the right of a negro to citizenship; but the Chief-Justice took the ocDred Scott had been a slave in Missouri, but claimed to be a freeman on account of involuntary residence in a free State. The case did not require a decision concerning the right of a negro to citizenship; but the Chief-Justice took the occasion to give what is called an extra-judicial opinion. He decided that a freed negro slave, or a descendant of a slave, could not become a citizen of the Republic. He asserted, in that connection, that the language of the Declaration of Independence showed that the negroes were not included in the beneficent meaning of that instrument, when it said, all men are created equal, and that they were regarded as so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect. a
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