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perfect their plans for securing success in the impending conflict. Henry A. Wise, a chief actor among the Virginia politicians at that time, had declared, as we have seen, two months before:--Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then. See page 43. John Tyler, one of the chief promoters of this Peace movement in Virginia, and President of the Convention, was an advocate of the treason of the South Carolina politicians in 1832-33, and is fully on record as a co-worker with Wise and others against the life of the Republic so early as 1856. This fact was established by letters found when our army moved up the Virginia Peninsula, in 1862. On the adjournment of the Peace Convention he hastened to Richmond, where he and Seddon (afterward the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis) were serenaded, and both made speeches. In his address at the close of the Convention he had just left, Tyler said:--I cannot but
ect their plans for securing success in the impending conflict. Henry A. Wise, a chief actor among the Virginia politicians at that time, had declared, as we have seen, two months before:--Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then. See page 43. John Tyler, one of the chief promoters of this Peace movement in Virginia, and President of the Convention, was an advocate of the treason of the South Carolina politicians in 1832-33, and is fully on record as a co-worker with Wise and others against the life of the Republic so early as 1856. This fact was established by letters found when our army moved up the Virginia Peninsula, in 1862. On the adjournment of the Peace Convention he hastened to Richmond, where he and Seddon (afterward the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis) were serenaded, and both made speeches. In his address at the close of the Convention he had just left, Tyler said:--I cannot but hope
Virginia model. Tennessee was willing to adjust all difficulties by the same process, but with enlarged franchises for the slaveholders; while Missouri instructed its delegates to endeavor to agree upon some plan for the preservation or reconstruction of the Union. Its delegates were always to be subordinate to the General Assembly or the State Convention of Missouri. The Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of John Tyler, of Virginia (once President of the Republic), 1841-1845. as the presiding officer, and Crafts J. Wright, of Ohio, son of one of the delegates from that State, as secretary. Mr. Tyler delivered a short address on taking the chair, in which he said:--The eyes of the whole country are turned to this assembly, in expectation and hope. I trust that you may prove yourselves worthy of the great occasion. Our ancestors probably committed a blunder in not having fixed upon every fifth decade for a call of a general convention to amend and reform th
nia model. Tennessee was willing to adjust all difficulties by the same process, but with enlarged franchises for the slaveholders; while Missouri instructed its delegates to endeavor to agree upon some plan for the preservation or reconstruction of the Union. Its delegates were always to be subordinate to the General Assembly or the State Convention of Missouri. The Convention was permanently organized by the appointment of John Tyler, of Virginia (once President of the Republic), 1841-1845. as the presiding officer, and Crafts J. Wright, of Ohio, son of one of the delegates from that State, as secretary. Mr. Tyler delivered a short address on taking the chair, in which he said:--The eyes of the whole country are turned to this assembly, in expectation and hope. I trust that you may prove yourselves worthy of the great occasion. Our ancestors probably committed a blunder in not having fixed upon every fifth decade for a call of a general convention to amend and reform the Con
nia politicians at that time, had declared, as we have seen, two months before:--Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then. See page 43. John Tyler, one of the chief promoters of this Peace movement in Virginia, and President of the Convention, was an advocate of the treason of the South Carolina politicians in 1832-33, and is fully on record as a co-worker with Wise and others against the life of the Republic so early as 1856. This fact was established by letters found when our army moved up the Virginia Peninsula, in 1862. On the adjournment of the Peace Convention he hastened to Richmond, where he and Seddon (afterward the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis) were serenaded, and both made speeches. In his address at the close of the Convention he had just left, Tyler said:--I cannot but hope and believe that the blessing of God will follow and rest upon the result of your labors, and that such resu
November 7th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ey hoped would be temporary) to war, who were ready to consent to the secession of the fifteen Slave-labor States in order to secure this great desire of their hearts. Influential Republican journals expressed this willingness; Whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets. --New York Tribune, November 7, 1860. When, in June, 1865, Alexander H. Stephens applied to President Johnson for pardon, he alleged that, among other reasons for espousing the cause of the rebellion, was the fact that the utterances of the Tribune, one of the most influential of the supporters of the Republican party, made him believe that the separation and independence of the Slave-labor States would be granted, and that there could be no war. On the 22d of January, 1861, Wendell Phillips, the great leader of the ra
les of the New Government, 260. On Monday, the 4th of February, 1861, the day on which Slidell and Benjamin left the Senate, a Convention known as the Peace Congress, or Conference, assembled in Willard's Hall, in Washington City, a large room in a building originally erected as a church edifice on F Street, and then attached to Willard's Hotel. This Convention, as we have observed, See page 194. was proposed by resolutions of the Virginia Legislature, passed on the 19th of January, 1861. and highly approved by the President of the Republic. The proposition met with favorable consideration throughout the country. Omens of impending war were becoming more numerous every day; and at the time this proposition was made, it was evident that no plan for the adjustment of existing difficulties could be agreed upon by the National Legislature. It was thought that a convention of conservative men, fresh from the people, might devise some salutary measures that should go before Cong
January 22nd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
o the residue by bayonets. --New York Tribune, November 7, 1860. When, in June, 1865, Alexander H. Stephens applied to President Johnson for pardon, he alleged that, among other reasons for espousing the cause of the rebellion, was the fact that the utterances of the Tribune, one of the most influential of the supporters of the Republican party, made him believe that the separation and independence of the Slave-labor States would be granted, and that there could be no war. On the 22d of January, 1861, Wendell Phillips, the great leader of the radical wing of the Anti-slavery party, in an address in Boston, on the Political lessons of the hour, declared himself to be a disunion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Ch
January 23rd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
in an address in Boston, on the Political lessons of the hour, declared himself to be a disunion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Charles Francis Adams, with much severity of language.--Springfield (Mass.) Republican, January 23, 1861. and Lieutenant-General Scott, who knew what were the horrors Winfield Scott in 1865. of war, seems to have contemplated this alternative without dread. In a letter addressed to Governor Seward, on the day preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 3, 1861. he suggested a limitation of the President's field of action in the premises to four measures, namely:--1st, to adopt the Crittenden Compromise; 2d, to collect duties outside of the ports of seceding States, or blockade them; 3
February, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
at the lower red space. In the center of the union a circle of white stars, corresponding in number with the States of the Confederacy. This was the flag under which the maddened hosts of that Confederacy rushed to The conspirators' flag. battle, at the beginning of the war that ensued. It was first displayed in public on the 4th of March, when it was unfurled over the State House at Montgomery. The first assumption of sovereignty on the part of the Convention was on the 12th, February, 1861. when it was resolved that the new Government should take under its charge all questions and difficulties then existing between the Sovereign States of this Confederacy and the Government of the United States, relating to the occupation of forts, arsenals, navy yards, and other public establishments. The President of the Convention was requested to communicate this resolution to the Governors of the several States. This was extremely offensive to the South Carolinians. They saw in it
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