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March 3rd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
e the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Charles Francis Adams, with much severity of language.--Springfield (Mass.) Republican, January 23, 1861. and Lieutenant-General Scott, who knew what were the horrors Winfield Scott in 1865. of war, seems to have contemplated this alternative without dread. In a letter addressed to Governor Seward, on the day preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 3, 1861. he suggested a limitation of the President's field of action in the premises to four measures, namely:--1st, to adopt the Crittenden Compromise; 2d, to collect duties outside of the ports of seceding States, or blockade them; 3d, to conquer those States at the end of a long, expensive, and desolating war, and to no good purpose; and, 4th, to say to the seceded States, Wayward sisters, go in peace! This letter, written by the General-in-chief of the Armies of the Republic, on whose a
March 21st, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 10
impaired, that they went wandering about, seeking in vain for willing listeners among men of character in diplomatic circles; and, finally, they abandoned their missions in disgust, to the relief of statesmen who were wearied with their importunities and offended by their duplicity: Mr. Stephens assumed the office of expounder of the principles upon which the new government was founded and was to be established. He made the occasion of a speech to the citizens of Savannah, Georgia, March 21, 1861. the opportunity for giving that exposition to the world. He declared that the immediate cause of the rebellion was African Slavery existing in the United States; and said that Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock on which the Union would split. He doubted whether Jefferson understood the truth on which that rock stood. He, and most of the leaders at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, entertained the erroneous idea that the enslavement of the Af
1862 AD (search for this): chapter 10
asion, for which offense the President, not unaccustomed to a kindly yielding to the wishes of the Slave interest, wrote an apologetic letter to Tyler. When, in 1862, the National troops went up the Virginia Peninsula, they took possession of Sherwood forest, the residence of Tyler, near Charles City Court House, which the owne Wise and others against the life of the Republic so early as 1856. This fact was established by letters found when our army moved up the Virginia Peninsula, in 1862. On the adjournment of the Peace Convention he hastened to Richmond, where he and Seddon (afterward the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis) were serenadery Mail, a violent secession sheet. He had for assistant clerks Robert S. Dixon and A. R. Lamar. Hooper died in great poverty in Richmond, some time in the year 1862. On taking the chair, Cobb made a short speech, in which he said, truly, that their assemblage was of no ordinary character. They met, he said, as representatives
October, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ead to a large public meeting of the friends of Horatio Seymour, during the canvass of that leader for the office of Governor of New York. The letter was used as an implied censure of the policy of the Administration of Mr. Lincoln. General Scott, in vindication of himself, then published a Report on the public defenses, which he had submitted to Mr. Buchanan before he left office, which occasioned a spicy newspaper correspondence between these venerable men. See National Intelligencer, October, 1862. Another earnest pleader against coercion, which would evidently lead to war, was Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, who gave intellectual power to the electro-magnetic telegraph. He was a conspicuous opponent of the war measures of the Government during the entire conflict. He was made President, as we have seen, of The American Society for the Promotion of National Union, immediately after the adjournment of the Peace Convention; See page 207. and he worked zealously for the promot
May 2nd, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 10
s of the Government during the entire conflict. He was made President, as we have seen, of The American Society for the Promotion of National Union, immediately after the adjournment of the Peace Convention; See page 207. and he worked zealously for the promotion of measures that might satisfy the demands of the slaveholders. Before that most lamentable and pregnant error of the attack on Fort Sumter had been committed, says Professor Morse, in a letter to the author of these pages, May 2, 1864> which, indeed, inaugurated actual physical hostilities, and while war was confined to threatening and irritating words between the two sections of the country, there seemed to me to be two methods by which our sectional difficulties might be adjusted without bloodshed, which methods I thus stated in a paper drawn up at the time, when the project of a Flag for the Southern section was under discussion in the journals of the South:-- The first and most proper mode of adjusting those dif
1865 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Charles Francis Adams, with much severity of language.--Springfield (Mass.) Republican, January 23, 1861. and Lieutenant-General Scott, who knew what were the horrors Winfield Scott in 1865. of war, seems to have contemplated this alternative without dread. In a letter addressed to Governor Seward, on the day preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 3, 1861. he suggested a limitation of the President's field of action in the premises to four measures, namely:--1st, to adopt the Crittenden Compromise; 2d, to collect duties outside of the ports of seceding States, or blockade them; 3d, to conquer those States at the end of a long, expensive, and desolating war, and to no goo
June, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ry) to war, who were ready to consent to the secession of the fifteen Slave-labor States in order to secure this great desire of their hearts. Influential Republican journals expressed this willingness; Whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets. --New York Tribune, November 7, 1860. When, in June, 1865, Alexander H. Stephens applied to President Johnson for pardon, he alleged that, among other reasons for espousing the cause of the rebellion, was the fact that the utterances of the Tribune, one of the most influential of the supporters of the Republican party, made him believe that the separation and independence of the Slave-labor States would be granted, and that there could be no war. On the 22d of January, 1861, Wendell Phillips, the great leader of the radical wing of the Anti-sl
20 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ior race — is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so, even among us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. See note on page 38. . . . In the conflict, thus far, success has been, on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world. After reiterating the assurance that Slavery was the special, strong, and commendable foundation of the new g
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 10
1, Wendell Phillips, the great leader of the radical wing of the Anti-slavery party, in an address in Boston, on the Political lessons of the hour, declared himself to be a disunion man, and was glad to see South Carolina and other Slave-labor States had practically initiated a disunion movement. He hoped that all the Slave-labor States would leave the Union, and not stand upon the order of their going, but go at once. He denounced the compromise spirit manifested by Mr. Seward and Charles Francis Adams, with much severity of language.--Springfield (Mass.) Republican, January 23, 1861. and Lieutenant-General Scott, who knew what were the horrors Winfield Scott in 1865. of war, seems to have contemplated this alternative without dread. In a letter addressed to Governor Seward, on the day preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 3, 1861. he suggested a limitation of the President's field of action in the premises to four measures, namely:--1st, to adopt the Crittenden Compromi
H. J. Adams (search for this): chapter 10
tt H. Buckner, Harrison Hough. Ohio.--Salmon P. Chase, John C. Wright, William S. Groesbeck, Franklin T. Backus, Reuben Hitchcock, Thomas Ewing, V. B. Horton, C. P. Wolcott. Indiana.--Caleb B. Smith, Pleasant A. Hackleman, Godlove S. Orth, E. W. H. Ellis, Thomas C. Slaughter Illinois.--John Wood, Stephen T. Logan, John M. Palmer, Burton C. Cook, Thomas J. Turner. Iowa.--James Harlan, James W. Grimes, Samuel H. Curtis, William Vandever. Kansas.--Thomas Ewing, Jr., J. C. Stone. H. J. Adams. M. F. Conway. When they were not appointed by Legislatures, they were chosen by the Governors. Many of these delegates were instructed, either by formal resolutions of the appointing power or by informal expressions of opinion. Much caution was exercised, because there were well-grounded suspicions that the Virginia politicians, who had proposed the Convention, were adroitly playing into the hands of the conspirators. One of the resolutions that accompanied their invitation to a confe
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