hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) 893 3 Browse Search
United States (United States) 752 0 Browse Search
Washington (United States) 742 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 656 0 Browse Search
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) 411 1 Browse Search
Robert Anderson 367 7 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis 330 2 Browse Search
Maryland (Maryland, United States) 330 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 268 0 Browse Search
Benjamin F. Butler 235 3 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.. Search the whole document.

Found 525 total hits in 138 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 ...
Wilderness, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
pendents, and that they must necessarily be the allies of the cotton-growers, in the event of war. Cotton is King! echoed back submissively the spindles of Old and New England. a Old Cotton will pleasantly reign When other kings painfully fall, And ever and ever remain The mightiest monarch of all, sang an American bard The late George P. Morris, whose son, Brigadier-General William H. Morris, gallantly fought some of the Cotton-lords and their followers on the Peninsula, in the Wilderness, and in the open fields of Spottsylvania, in Virginia, where he was wounded. years before; and now, a Senator (Wigfall) of the Republic, with words of treason falling from his lips, like jagged hail, in the very sanctuary where loyalty should be adored exclaimed:--I say that Cotton is King, and that he waves his scepter, not only over these thirty-three States, but over the Island of Great Britain and over Continental Europe; and that there is no crowned head upon that island, or upon the
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 3
civil war, which never fails to call forth all the baser passions of the human heart. If a separation should take place, be assured, blood would flow in torrents. Let me conjure you to save the Union, and thereby avoid the desolating example of Mexico. . . . Think of these things, my dear General, and save the country, and save the prosperous South from pestilence, famine, and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it should take place in three months, we would have tell you, Senators, that next year you will see the negroes working as quietly and contentedly as if their masters were not leaving that country for a foreign land, as they did, a few years ago, when they were called upon to visit the Republic of Mexico. The cotton crop, he said, was worth two hundred and fifty millions of dollars a year, and would never be less. That amount, the people of the new Confederacy would export, and it would bring the same amount of imports into the country, The C
New Hampshire (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
on him as a fugitive slave. This was to leave the whole business of arrests to United States officers. The law in New Hampshire provided, that any slave brought into the State, by or with the consent of the master, should be free; and declared t opinion to one conclusion or another, and, to-day, our country would have been safer than it is. Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, said that, if he understood the Message on the subject of secession, it was this:--South Carolina has just cause for, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirred with anger by stinging words from Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, who replied to some of Clingman's remarks:--If the issue which is presented is, that the constitutional will of the e, saying, I do not believe there will be any war; but if war is to come, let it come. We will meet the Senator from New Hampshire, and all the myrmidons of Abolitionism and Black Republicanism everywhere, upon our own soil; and, in the language of
Fort Moultrie (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
edge of our Southern population, it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, namely, the seizure of some or all of the Southern forts, which he named. In my opinion, he said, all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous. . . . It is the opinion that instructions should be given at once to the commanders of the Barancas [Pensacola], Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises. Another veteran warrior, who had been Scott's companion in arms for fifty years, full of patriotic zeal, and with a keen perception of danger, after reading the President's message wrote a letter remarkable for its good sense, foresight, and wisdom. That soldier was Major-General John Ellis Wool, then commander of the Eastern Department, which included the whole country eastward of the Mississippi River. He wrote to the venerable G
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
This was to leave the whole business of arrests to United States officers. The law in New Hampshire provided, that any slave brought into the State, by or with the consent of the master, should be free; and declared that the attempt to hold any person as a slave within the State was a felony, unless done by United States officers in the execution of legal process. This was to relieve the people from the duty of becoming slave-catchers by command of United States officers. The law in Vermont provided, that no court, justice of the peace, or magistrate, should take cognizance of any certificate, warrant, or process, under the Fugitive Slave Law, and that no person should assist in the removal of an alleged fugitive slave from the State, excepting United States officers. It also ordered that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and a trial of facts by a jury, should be given to the alleged fugitive, with the State's Attorney as counsel; and also that any person coming int
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
by jury, and the employment of the State's Attorney as counsel for the prisoners. It denied the use of the jails of the State for the purposes contemplated in the Fugitive Slave Law, and imposed a heavy penalty for the arrest of a free colored person as an alleged fugitive slave. The law in Wisconsin was substantially the same as that in Michigan, with an additional clause for the protection of its citizens from any penalties incurred by a refusal to aid or obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, California, and Oregon, made no laws on the subject. It is worthy of note, in this connection, that the statute-books of every Slave-labor State in the Union contained, at that time, Personal Liberty Acts, all of them as much in opposition to the letter and spirit of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 as any act passed by the Legislatures of Free-labor States. Some of them had penalties more severe. All of them provided for the use of law by the alleged slave; most
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
tion of the Fugitive Slave Law, and denied the use of the jails for that purpose. New York took no action on the subject; neither did New Jersey or Pennsylvania. Their statute-books had laws already therein relating to slavery. The law in Michigan secured to the person arrested the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, a trial by jury, and the employment of the State's Attorney as counsel for the prisoners. It denied the use of the jails of the State for the purposes contemplated in the Fugitive Slave Law, and imposed a heavy penalty for the arrest of a free colored person as an alleged fugitive slave. The law in Wisconsin was substantially the same as that in Michigan, with an additional clause for the protection of its citizens from any penalties incurred by a refusal to aid or obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, California, and Oregon, made no laws on the subject. It is worthy of note, in this connection, that the statute-books of every S
Charleston Harbor (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
n, I hope he will command my services. It will never do for him or you to leave Washington without every star in this Union in its place. Therefore, no time should be lost in adopting measures to defeat those who are conspiring against the Union. Hesitation or delay may be no less fatal to the Union than to the President, or your own high standing as a statesman. This patriotic soldier then urged upon the Government the absolute necessity of sending re-enforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor; and he spurned the excuse for not doing so, urged by some, that such a step would serve to increase the excitement among the people of South Carolina. That is nonsense, he said, when the people are as much excited as they can be, and the leaders are determined to execute their long-meditated purpose of separating the State from the Union. Do not leave the forts in the harbor in a condition to induce the attempt to take possession of them. It might easily be done at this time. If So
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
him a trial by jury; and those of North Carolina and Texas punished the stealer and seller of a free negro withg the case that was before the country. Wigfall, of Texas, said he could not understand it; and, at a later pet of free debate which has been put into practice in Texas, according to the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward]disturbances, to burnings and poisonings there, that Texas was excited by free debate. Well, Sir, continued Clingman, with peculiar emphasis, a Senator from Texas The Senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T.Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall. told me, the other day, that a good many of those debaters were hanging up by the trees in that countt G. Brown, of Mississippi, and Louis T. Wigfall, of Texas, followed. They had been stirred with anger by stinugh there is a clog in the way of the lone-star State of Texas, in the person of her Governor (Houston), who wther seem to be wholly inappropriate. Wigfall, of Texas, a truculent debater, of ability and ready speech, o
Arlington (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
rs, and the Free-labor States were looking on in amazement at the madness of their colleagues, who were preparing to resist the power of the Constitution and laws of the land, the Thirty-Sixth Congress assembled at Washington City. It began its second and last session at the Capitol, on Monday, the 3d of December, 1860. It was on a bright and beautiful morning; and as the eye looked out from the western front of the Capitol upon the city below, the winding Potomac and the misty hights of Arlington beyond, it beheld a picture of repose, strongly contrasting with the spirits of men then assembling in the halls of Congress. Never, since the birth of the Nation — more than seventy years before — had the people looked with more solemn interest upon the assembling of the National Legislature than at this time. The hoarse cry of Disunion, which had so often been used in and out of Congress by the representatives of the Slave interest, as a bugbear to frighten men of the Free-labor Stat
1 2 3 4 5 6 ...