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Palmetto would float over any part of South Carolina. Pickens, who had been a member of the National Congress ten consecutive years, 1835-1845. and minister to the Russian Court by Buchanan's appointment, was a worthy successor of Gist; and he entered into the schemes of the conspirators with all the powers that he possessed. The members of the Convention were chosen on the 3d of December. David F. Jamison. Not one had been nominated who was opposed to secession; and when, on the 17th, December, 1860. they assembled in the Baptist Church at Columbia, they were all of one mind in relation to the main question. David F. Jamison, a delegate from Barnwell District, was chosen temporary chairman. He made a brief speech, in which he counseled the members to beware of outside pressure, and disputations among themselves. He trusted that the door was now forever closed from any further connection with our Northern confederates; and then, either ignorantly or wickedly, asserted
rnwell was for sacrificing postal conveniences rather than seem to have any connection with the United States. There never was any thing purchased, he said, worth having, unless at the cost of sacrifice. Rhett said:--This great revolution must go on with as little change as possible, and thought the best plan was to use the United States officers then in place. By making the Federal agents ours, he said, the machinery will move on. This was finally the arrangement, substantially. On the 21st, December 1860. the Convention appointed Robert W. Barnwell, James I. Adams, and James L. Orr, Commissioners to proceed to Washington, to treat for the possession of the National property within the limits of South Carolina. On the same day, the Committee appointed to prepare an Address of the people of South Carolina to the people of the Slaveholding States, made a report. It was drawn by the Signatures of the Committee on Address to the Slave-labor States. chairman, R. B. Rhett, and b
layed in the streets but polkas and the Marseillaise Hymn. At Wilmington, in North Carolina, one hundred guns were fired. In Portsmouth,Virginia, fifteen were fired, being the then number of the Slave-labor States; and at Norfolk, the Palmetto flag was outspread from the top of a pole a hundred feet in hight. A banner with the same device was displayed over the custom-house at Richmond. An attempt was made to fire fifteen guns in Baltimore, when the loyal people there prevented it. On the 22d, a jubilant meeting at Memphis, Tennessee, ratified the ordinance. Fifteen guns were fired, and the office of the Avalanche, then an organ of the conspirators in that region, was illuminated. At the same time, the politicians of several of the Slave-labor States, as we shall observe presently, were rapidly placing the people in the position of active co-operation with those of South Carolina. Those who did not choose to follow the lead of South Carolina were treated with amazing insolence
vals of reason, formerly supposed to be influenced by the changes of the Moon. It is related of the late Judge Pettigru, of Charleston, who resisted the madness of the secessionists while he lived, that on being asked by a stranger in the streets of his city the right direction to the Lunatic Asylum, he pointed to the east, the west, the north, and the south, and said, It is there, and there, and there, and there — the whole State is a lunatic asylum. Banner of South Carolina. On the 26th, the Convention agreed to send a commissioner to each Slave-labor State that might hold a convention, to bear to them a copy of the South Carolina Ordinance of Secession; When this question was before the Convention, a member (Mr. Dargan) proposed to send a copy of the ordinance, with the Declaration of causes, &c., to all the States of the Union; and, when it was objected to, he said that a statement of reasons is required, as well as the ordinance. Courtesy to our late Confederates, he
South Carolina, and ordering all duties to be paid into the State treasury. On the following day, the Governor was authorized to receive embassadors, ministers, consuls, &c., from foreign countries, and to appoint the same officers to represent South Carolina abroad. It was also decreed, that all citizens of the United States who were living within the limits of South Carolina at the time of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession should be considered citizens of the new nation. On the 29th, the Convention, which assumed supreme dignity in the State, transferred to the Legislature the powers lately vested in Congress, excepting during the session of the Convention. The judicial powers of the United States were vested in the State Courts; and Governor Pickens, who had organized his cabinet, assumed the exalted position of the Chief Magistrate of an independent nation. His constitutional advisers consisted of A. G. Magrath, Secretary of State; D. F. Jamison, Secretary of War; C.
finally took open action in the old Charles G. Memminger. State House at Columbia. The lower House of the South Carolina Legislature, on the 30th of November, 1859, resolved that the Commonwealth was ready to enter, together with other Slave-holding States, or such as desire prompt action, into the formation of a Southern Confederacy. At the request of the Legislature, the Governor of the State sent a copy of this resolution to the Governors of the other Slave-labor States; and in January following, 1860. C. G. Memminger, one of the arch-conspirators of South Carolina, appeared before the General Assembly of Virginia as a special commissioner from his State. His object was to enlist the representatives of Virginia in a scheme of disunion, whilst, with the degrading hypocrisy which has ever characterized the leaders in the Great Rebellion, he professed zealous attachment to the Union. He proposed, in the name of South Carolina, a convention of the Slave-labor States, to co
January 10th (search for this): chapter 4
y compromises or patch up existing difficulties. The subject will be decided by a convention of the people of my State. Hawkins, of Florida, said:--The day of compromise has passed. I am opposed, and so is my State, to all and every compromise. I shall not vote. Clopton, of Alabama, considered secession as the only remedy for existing evils, and would not sanction any temporizing policy. Pugh, of Alabama, said:--As my State intends following South Carolina out of the Union, by the 10th of January next, I pay no attention to any action taken in this body. No less than fifty-two members from the Slave-labor States refused to vote on this occasion. These comprised all of the South Carolina delegation, and most of those from Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia. By this action, they virtually avowed their determination to thwart all legislation in the direction of compromise or conciliation. And when Mr. Morris, a Democrat from Illinois, offered a resolution, December 4
March 4th (search for this): chapter 4
he South Carolina delegation in Congress, The written communications to the President were signed by the following named persons, then Representatives in Congress from South Carolina:--John McQueen, William Porcher Miles, M. L. Bonham, W. W, Boyce, and Lawrence M. Keitt. that the relative military condition should remain the same, while each party forbore hostile movements. This statement of Miles satisfied the Convention that they might play treason to their hearts' content until the 4th of March; provided, they kept violent hands off the property of the United States. The President, as we shall observe hereafter, denied that he ever gave such pledge, and pronounced the accusation untrue, as it undoubtedly was. After resolutions were offered and referred, which proposed a Provisional Government for the Slave-labor States that might secede, on the basis of the National Constitution; also, to send Commissioners to Washington to negotiate for the cession of the property of the Un
e-labor States, for the purpose of forming a Southern Confederacy, the Committee appointed to prepare an ordinance of secession reported. This was on the 20th of December. Their report, submitted by Mr. Inglis, was very brief, and embodied the draft of an ordinance, in the following words:-- we, the people of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the twenty-Third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of the State, ratifying amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and the Union now Subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved. Signatures of the Committee on Secession Ordinance. This ordinance w
n. He thought popular conventions dangerous things, except when the necessities of the country absolutely demand them. He opposed them, he said, simply and entirely with the view of hastening the dissolution of the Union. For the same reason, Lawrence M. Keitt favored a convention. I think, he said, it will bring about a more speedy dissolution of the Union. At this time the Union men of the State took measures for counteracting the madness of the disunionists. They celebrated the 4th of July by a mass meeting at Greenville, South Carolina. Many distinguished citizens were invited to attend, or to give their views at length on the great topic of the Union. Among these was Francis Lieber, Ll.D., Professor of History and Political Economy in the South Carolina College at Columbia. He sent an address to his fellow-citizens of the State, which was a powerful plea for the Union and against secession. He warned them that secession would lead to war. No country, he said, has ever
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