Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) or search for South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 39 results in 23 document sections:

1 2 3
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Bella Mollita — soft war. (search)
d its life. The returning supremacy of the laws in any other land would be followed by wholesale judicial executions, which by law written and by law common would be justified here. We are not aware that these criminals, after causing an amount of suffering which the agonized mind refuses to compute, are entitled to a sort of Jack Sheppard sympathy, though it come from no higher source than The Day Book newspaper. You may be reasonably sure, when you hear a man bewailing the wrongs of South Carolina, that he has no particular affection. for New York, though it may, by courtesy, call him a citizen. The time for soothing promises and carminative compromises was when such negotiation was possible. The patchers — up of peace had full swing-and what did they do? They talked morning and evening, in season and out of season, well and badly — but what did they accomplish? They filled an immense number of pages in The Congressional Globe, but they took nothing. It was then proposed t
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Humanities South. (search)
heir theology, their civilization, their political economy, have all been learned of that hideous and howling savage; and all they are, and all they pretend to be, and all they care to be, the barbarians of the Slave Coast have been before them. Yes: they do well to give up their colleges; they will give up their churches next — and then — who knows?--perhaps their clothes! Given the independence of the Southern Confederacy, and who can assure us that within a century the governor of South Carolina will not kneel upon his naked knees, in all the splendor of a tattooed skin to adore some dirty little fetish idol? Nations that have been civilized, and have lapsed into semi-civilization, are quite as likely to fall still farther backward as to go forward; and there is a Power presiding over the world's affairs which can blight as well as build up, and which has declared that they who causelessly take up the sword, by the sword shall perish. Southern statesmen and soldiers, unless
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The charge of Precipitancy. (search)
art in peace. Was there any plunge here? If so, it was a very mild one. The attitude of South Carolina from the first was a declaration of war. The act which consummated her treason afforded no bed and exhorted. There was flux of fine speech — an avalanche of propositions! At all this South Carolina laughed, as, to be candid, she had a right to laugh. Of the wisdom or good taste of these ae plunged into this contest with unconcern? But we committed, it seems, another offense. South Carolina merely indulged in treason — our crime was leze-majesty against taste. Our newspapers heapeended none but trimmers. To our credit be it said, we were a little out of patience, It was South Carolina that half murdered our Senators in the Capitol; it was South Carolina that rifled mailbags, South Carolina that rifled mailbags, impressed our sailors, banished our citizens, and always stood ready to defy the general Government. We only lost our equanimity when a State which for nearly a century had been receiving our bounty
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Striking an Average. (search)
ps, plug, tobacco and niggers. You must not suppose for a moment that the man with one nigger is obliged to obey the man with one thousand niggers — he only obeys because he delights to do so. Only he knows, this forlorn man with one nigger, if he offends the man with one thousand, that a dozen scamps with no niggers at all will be hired by the well-supplied Aristocrat to tar-and-feather shoot, stab or hang, the poor man with one nigger. That's all! That is Virginia Democracy! As for South Carolina, why, we confess that she is our pet State. She never babbles of Democracy. Quoad niggers and poor whites, her refined, learned, rich, polished, nice, noble Aristocrats believe in a Despotism, beside which that of the Metternich school ripens into a kind of genial liberalism. Let her alone, and in five years we shall have the Court Guide of her Emperor illustrated by the names of Prince Pod, the Count of Cotton-Plant, Sir Robert Rice, and of many esquired gentry. What will become of
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Extemporizing production. (search)
e of Census Reports did not give the world a very lofty idea of his veracity. whatever may have been the opinion of his ingenuity, announces with some flourish that a blacking and lucifer-match-factory has been established at Lynchburg, and that North Carolina has engaged in the manufacture of pea-nut oil. Moreover, Mr. De Bow lifts up his voice jubilantly in respect of eight tan-yards in Louisa County, (State not named.) Also, many females are spinning upon old fashioned hand-loomns in South Carolina. Mr. De Bow spreads his statistics, which are dreadfully meagre, over the broadest possible surface, and brings up on bowieknives. They are turning out these valuable weapons, it appears, with consummate alacrity, in Portsmouth, Va. And this suggests a more careful examination prove to be principally bayonets, camp-stools, gunpowder, tent-poles, bowie-knives, revolving pistols, drums — and, we presume, fifes, and even flags. But Mr. De Bow, while making up the rose-colored record, and
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Prudent Fugacity. (search)
eginning, in the recesses of their hearts, to hope for the hour which should see them released from the infernal incubus of Slavery. Politicians ranted, and newspapers bullied, and Gov. Wise slavered and stammered, but it was clear to disinterested observers that the Richmond aristocracy would not forever have things their own way; and that, when they were trodden down into their native mud, a speedy development of the immense internal resources of the State would follow. But selfish South Carolina saw fit to make Virginia the battle-ground of disloyalty and treason, and the Gulf States followed the example of that blustering file-leader. It was upon the head of Virginia that the storm of retribution broke, and is beating still. The Rebel Congress flees to Richmond, and brings upon that city the horrors of siege and of assault; and when the danger becomes imminent, the Rebel Congress takes up again the line of march and migration, and abandons those to whose hospitality it is ind
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Platform Novelties. (search)
rp conflict. The platforms have been swept and garnished. Ye gods! when one remembers the rubbish which once cumbered them — limping exegesis and dusty diagnosis, split texts, ethnological puzzles, and sugarcoated pills — schemes of saving the Union by prayer, and other schemes of saving it by pugilism — reams of resolutions, rosy at once and wrathful — heaps of exenterated tracts, sleek and spliced for the Southern market — subscription papers for sending regiments of missionaries to South Carolina--when one recalls all these, how enrapturing the reflection that no more hairs are to be painfully divided, that there is to be no more mumbling and devising, no more presentment of the worse for the better reason, no more reliance upon shabby succedaneums, and that even in these awful alcoves of graduated political and moral regeneration, a spade is hereafter to be plumply called a spade, though calling it so should put the whole solar system out of joint, and make chaos come again!
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Council of Thirty-five. (search)
demonstration, it is to be regretted that Conservators did not, by some address more enlarged than a resolution, let us know by what process of reasoning they arrived at the conclusion that the Abolition of Slavery would forever bar the restoration of the Union. If we were inclined to be hypercritical, we might ask why these Representatives allow themselves to talk of the restoration of the Union at all? Do they consider that by any constitutional theory the Union is abolished? that South Carolina could abolish it? that Jefferson Davis, by any villainy, could destroy it in any sense? Because, before a thing can be restored, if we know anything of language or of logic, it must first be lost. The truth is, that the Thirty-five, in their eagerness to construct a pretty series of resolutions, have done that which has been esteemed impossible — they have fairly bitten off their own noses. Eight into the jaws of a solecism, as we shall prove, tumbled the Thirty-five. If the Union ca
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Davis a Despot. (search)
ay fight for Jefferson Davis, if he pleases, but then it is no violent presumption that he may please to fight against Jefferson, and in favor of another man. South Carolina, according to her own favorite political theories, is a member of the Southern Confederacy only during the time of her sovereign will and pleasure. She comeswspapers denouncing Davis as a Despot! By what worse name did this Mercury ever speak of President Lincoln? If this Mercury be right, it is already time for South Carolina to bolt again! Will she do it? How do we know? How can any man foretell what she will do? And should she declare once more her independence, by what authonts. He has abolished all law in his dominions. He holds office not by the will of a majority of the States which he professes to govern, but by the will of South Carolina alone. If she sustains him now, it is only because he permits her to reserve the right to deal at him the deadliest of blows at any moment when it may gratif
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Constitution — not Conquest. (search)
e would merely suggest, that if Ireland should at present break into open revolt, why then Ireland would be fighting for independence. Would the charming features of Lord Brougham beam benevolently upon such an enterprise? Would he be found in his place in Parliament making soft speeches in behalf of a Provisional Government established in Dublin, and voting against all bills for putting down an Irish insurrection? And yet Ireland is no more an integral part of the British Empire than South Carolina is an integral part of the American Union. Nay, if we. look at the matter, and institute a somewhat closer comparison, we find that the connection of Ireland with the English throne, originating in one of those conquests which Lord Brougham so much deprecates, and since sustained by cruelties which no honest writer can extenuate, does afford a ground for rebellion; while the Confederate States in their present revolt are without the shadow of an excuse. It is not enough to say that jea
1 2 3