hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in descending order. Sort in ascending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Jefferson Davis 100 6 Browse Search
United States (United States) 88 0 Browse Search
Rufus Choate 82 4 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 78 0 Browse Search
James Buchanan 66 2 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 62 0 Browse Search
Washington (United States) 52 0 Browse Search
John Y. Mason 48 0 Browse Search
Edward Pollard 48 4 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 44 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). Search the whole document.

Found 35 total hits in 11 results.

1 2
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 23
. Slavery is the surest touchstone of political character at the present time, and the test was fatal to Mr. Choate. He thought to be enslaved was the best for the blacks, and that to enslave them was the best for the whites. The people of Massachusetts were not of his mind; but we will do him the justice to say, that for the opinion of the people of Massachusetts he cared very little. There was an inherent love of paradox in his nature, which a long practice in the courts did not, of coursMassachusetts he cared very little. There was an inherent love of paradox in his nature, which a long practice in the courts did not, of course, diminish. Clear-headed men were not deceived by the fulmination or the fulgidities of his rhetoric. He was careless of personal consequences, and would at any time risk success for the sake of startling. In avoiding political duties or in unfitting himself to discharge them — in suffering himself to drift into the turbid and alien waters of sham-democracy — in seeking with scoffs and sneers to silence the discussion of great questions — in timidly avoiding the conflict when danger was at <
South America (search for this): chapter 23
y would ill bear publication. We do not know anybody who in his day was more willing to improve topics happening to attract public attention. Everybody will remember that when fillibustering happened to be in fashion, Mr. Everett was a fine filibuster. Everybody who heard it will remember the Plymouth speech, in which Mr. Everett declared that the work must go on, by which he meant, that the manifest destiny of the United States was to conquer and annex the kingdoms and republics of South America. Everybody who ever heard of it, will remember how Mr. Everett subscribed for the Sumner testimonial, and how he afterwards attributed the indiscretion to illness. Surely no gentleman whose personal history is crowded with incidents like these, is in a position to sneer at the distinguished active statesmen of the day. Nor did the memory of Mr. Choate require any such apology. A lawyer in great practice, exceedingly devoted to his profession, and relying upon its emoluments to meet a
America (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 23
eers to silence the discussion of great questions — in timidly avoiding the conflict when danger was at its height, Mr. Choate did nothing worthy of imitation or eulogy. We are not permitted to avoid the duty of saying all this thus plainly, but the responsibility of any pain which we may give to any honest admirer of Mr. Choate, must be borne by his Faneuil Hall Eulogist. It is better that we and those who are of our mind should be thought harsh or unfeeling, than that the young men of America should be made to believe that this life which has now closed affords them the best example — that the syren sentences of Mr. Everett should mislead them from the path of public duty — that his example and his words should beguile them into an avoidance of their political responsibilities, into a contempt for the theories, or an admiration for the general practice of our government; into lives secluded, sybaritical, and proudly, boastingly shallow and useless. The times are full of great o<
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 23
oom, than in the senate-chamber — it does not follow that other men with a more positive taste and talent for public employment, were either his moral or his intellectual inferiors. Moreover, if his political aspirations had been never so ardent, he entertained fatal opinions, which in the heat and hurry of his speech he continually betrayed. If he cared for any democracy, it was the old democracy of Athens. If he believed in any constitution, it was in the unwritten constitution of Great Britain. He sneered at the Declaration of Independence. He girded and jibed at the most limited alliance between humanity and politics. Slavery is the surest touchstone of political character at the present time, and the test was fatal to Mr. Choate. He thought to be enslaved was the best for the blacks, and that to enslave them was the best for the whites. The people of Massachusetts were not of his mind; but we will do him the justice to say, that for the opinion of the people of Massachu
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 23
of these which we have seen were so full of feeble complaint that they would ill bear publication. We do not know anybody who in his day was more willing to improve topics happening to attract public attention. Everybody will remember that when fillibustering happened to be in fashion, Mr. Everett was a fine filibuster. Everybody who heard it will remember the Plymouth speech, in which Mr. Everett declared that the work must go on, by which he meant, that the manifest destiny of the United States was to conquer and annex the kingdoms and republics of South America. Everybody who ever heard of it, will remember how Mr. Everett subscribed for the Sumner testimonial, and how he afterwards attributed the indiscretion to illness. Surely no gentleman whose personal history is crowded with incidents like these, is in a position to sneer at the distinguished active statesmen of the day. Nor did the memory of Mr. Choate require any such apology. A lawyer in great practice, exceedingly
Voltaire (search for this): chapter 23
Nil Nisi Bonum. the old and amiable rule of speaking only with kindness of the dead, is one which, in this world of small comity, we have no wish to disregard; although it is one the final violation of which is simply a question of time and the natural result of historic doubts. All character is dubious. There may be those who with perfect honesty do not admire Fenelon, and do admire Diderot or Voltaire. Indeed, it is only when a human career is closed that we are in a position to estimate its value, purport and upshot. The public life of a public man is public property. We may not indecently hasten to draw his frailties from their drear abode; but the mere fact that he has gone to that account to which indeed the meanest and most magnificent natures must go, certainly affords no authority for slandering the living. If the late Mr. Rufus Choate, while he succeeded as nisi prius lawyer, failed as a statesman, we do not know that this gives Mr. Edward Everett, who has also fai
Rufus Choate (search for this): chapter 23
go, certainly affords no authority for slandering the living. If the late Mr. Rufus Choate, while he succeeded as nisi prius lawyer, failed as a statesman, we do not best of his not inconsiderable ability, those who have been more fortunate. Mr. Choate may have had little fondness for political life, and no aptitude whatever forneer at the distinguished active statesmen of the day. Nor did the memory of Mr. Choate require any such apology. A lawyer in great practice, exceedingly devoted tochstone of political character at the present time, and the test was fatal to Mr. Choate. He thought to be enslaved was the best for the blacks, and that to enslave t questions — in timidly avoiding the conflict when danger was at its height, Mr. Choate did nothing worthy of imitation or eulogy. We are not permitted to avoid tbut the responsibility of any pain which we may give to any honest admirer of Mr. Choate, must be borne by his Faneuil Hall Eulogist. It is better that we and those
Diderot (search for this): chapter 23
Nil Nisi Bonum. the old and amiable rule of speaking only with kindness of the dead, is one which, in this world of small comity, we have no wish to disregard; although it is one the final violation of which is simply a question of time and the natural result of historic doubts. All character is dubious. There may be those who with perfect honesty do not admire Fenelon, and do admire Diderot or Voltaire. Indeed, it is only when a human career is closed that we are in a position to estimate its value, purport and upshot. The public life of a public man is public property. We may not indecently hasten to draw his frailties from their drear abode; but the mere fact that he has gone to that account to which indeed the meanest and most magnificent natures must go, certainly affords no authority for slandering the living. If the late Mr. Rufus Choate, while he succeeded as nisi prius lawyer, failed as a statesman, we do not know that this gives Mr. Edward Everett, who has also fa
Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 23
lawyer, failed as a statesman, we do not know that this gives Mr. Edward Everett, who has also failed as a statesman, the right to stand in Fapresent day to great success in a political career. Still less, Mr. Everett went on to say, was he adroit in turning to some personal advantnow anybody who has written more letters to local great men than Mr. Everett and some of these which we have seen were so full of feeble compill remember that when fillibustering happened to be in fashion, Mr. Everett was a fine filibuster. Everybody who heard it will remember the Plymouth speech, in which Mr. Everett declared that the work must go on, by which he meant, that the manifest destiny of the United States wouth America. Everybody who ever heard of it, will remember how Mr. Everett subscribed for the Sumner testimonial, and how he afterwards attosed affords them the best example — that the syren sentences of Mr. Everett should mislead them from the path of public duty — that his exam
Fenelon (search for this): chapter 23
Nil Nisi Bonum. the old and amiable rule of speaking only with kindness of the dead, is one which, in this world of small comity, we have no wish to disregard; although it is one the final violation of which is simply a question of time and the natural result of historic doubts. All character is dubious. There may be those who with perfect honesty do not admire Fenelon, and do admire Diderot or Voltaire. Indeed, it is only when a human career is closed that we are in a position to estimate its value, purport and upshot. The public life of a public man is public property. We may not indecently hasten to draw his frailties from their drear abode; but the mere fact that he has gone to that account to which indeed the meanest and most magnificent natures must go, certainly affords no authority for slandering the living. If the late Mr. Rufus Choate, while he succeeded as nisi prius lawyer, failed as a statesman, we do not know that this gives Mr. Edward Everett, who has also fa
1 2