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Browsing named entities in James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States..

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James Redpath (search for this): chapter 1
The Roving editor: or, Talks with slaves in the Southern States. By James Redpath. With the strong arm and giant grasp, 'tis wrong To crush the feeble, unresisting throng. Who pities not the fallen, let him fear, Lest, if he fall, no friendly hand be near: Who sows ill actions and of blessing dreams, Fosters vain phantasies and idly schemes. Unstop thy ears! thy people's wants relieve! If not, a day shall come when all their rights receive. Sadi.
John Brown (search for this): chapter 2
Dedication. to Captain John Brown, Senior, of Kansas: To you, Old Hero, I dedicate this record of my Talks with the Slaves in the Southern States. To you is due our homage for first showing how, and how alone, the gigantic crime of our age and nation can be effectually blotted out from our soil forever. You have proven that the slaver has a soul as cowardly as his own domestic institution ; you have shown how contemptible he is as a foe before the rifle of the earnest freeman. With your sword of the Lord and of Gideon you met him face to face ; with a few ill-clad and ill-armed footmen, you routed his well-mounted and well-armed hosts. I admire you for your dauntless bravery on the field; but more for your religious integrity of character and resolute energy of anti-slavery zeal. Rifle in hand, you put the brave young men of Kansas to shame ; truth in heart, you rendered insignificant the puerile programmes of anti-slavery politicians. You have no confidence in
James Redpath (search for this): chapter 2
d to insurrection, and hence do I lay this tribute at your feet. You are unwilling to ignore the rights of the slave for any reason — any constitutional guarantees --any plea of vested rights — any argument of inferiority of race — any sophistry of Providential overrulings, or pitiable appeals for party success. You are willing to recognize the negro as a brother, however inferior in intellectual endowments; as having rights, which, to take away, or withhold, is a crime that should be punished without mercy — surely — promptly — by law, if we can do it ; over it, if more speedily by such action; peacefully if we can, but forcibly and by bloodshed if we must So am I. You went to Kansas, when the troubles broke out there — not to settle or speculate --or from idle curiosity: but for one stern, solitary purpose--to have a shot at the South. So did I. To you, therefore, my senior in years as in services to the slave, I dedicate this work. James Redpath. Malden,
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
Dedication. to Captain John Brown, Senior, of Kansas: To you, Old Hero, I dedicate this record of my Talks with the Slaves in the Southern States. To you is due our homage for first showing how, and how alone, the gigantic crime of our age and nation can be effectually blotted out from our soil forever. You have pr bravery on the field; but more for your religious integrity of character and resolute energy of anti-slavery zeal. Rifle in hand, you put the brave young men of Kansas to shame ; truth in heart, you rendered insignificant the puerile programmes of anti-slavery politicians. You have no confidence in any man, plan or party thatmptly — by law, if we can do it ; over it, if more speedily by such action; peacefully if we can, but forcibly and by bloodshed if we must So am I. You went to Kansas, when the troubles broke out there — not to settle or speculate --or from idle curiosity: but for one stern, solitary purpose--to have a shot at the South. So did
France (France) (search for this): chapter 2
o be eradicated without compromise, commiseration or delay. This, also, is my; belief. Hence do I doubt the ultimate efficacy of any political anti-slavery action which is founded on Expediency — the morals of the counting-room — and hence, also, I do not hesitate to urge the friends of the slave to incite insurrections, and encourage, in the North, a spirit which shall ultimate in civil and servile wars. I think it unfair that the American bondman should have no generous Lafayette. What France was to us in our hour of trial, let the North be to the slave to-day. The oppressions of which the men of ‘76 complained through the muzzles of their guns and with the points of their bayonets, were trifling — unworthy of a moment's discussion — as compared with the cruel and innumerable wrongs which the negroes of the South now endure. If the fathers were justified in their rebellion, how much more will the slaves be justifiable in their insurrection? You, Old Hero! believe that the
Mystic River (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
to insurrection, and hence do I lay this tribute at your feet. You are unwilling to ignore the rights of the slave for any reason — any constitutional guarantees --any plea of vested rights — any argument of inferiority of race — any sophistry of Providential overrulings, or pitiable appeals for party success. You are willing to recognize the negro as a brother, however inferior in intellectual endowments; as having rights, which, to take away, or withhold, is a crime that should be punished without mercy — surely — promptly — by law, if we can do it ; over it, if more speedily by such action; peacefully if we can, but forcibly and by bloodshed if we must So am I. You went to Kansas, when the troubles broke out there — not to settle or speculate --or from idle curiosity: but for one stern, solitary purpose--to have a shot at the South. So did I. To you, therefore, my senior in years as in services to the slave, I dedicate this work. James Redpath. Malden, Massach
July 4th (search for this): chapter 3
nical for one class of persons — sometimes citizens of foreign birth — to vote for, disfranchise, whip, sell, buy, breed for market, and otherwise degrade the colored natives of our Southern soil. I regard the decision of Judge Taney, and his brethren, as not infamous only, but insulting to our national character. I would extend to all Americans, without distinction of color or creed, the inalienable birthright of whistling Yankee Doodle, and hurrahing, with heart-felt emphasis, on the Fourth of July, and after every presidential election-unless Buchanan is again a successful candidate. I am an Abolitionist-and something more. I am in favor, not only of abolishing the Curse, but of making reparation for the Crime. Not an Abolitionist only, but a Reparationist. The negroes, I hold, have not merely the inalienable right to be free, but the legal right of compensation for their hitherto unrequited services to the South. I more than agree with the Disunion Abolitionists. They are
Yankee Doodle (search for this): chapter 3
t we deny to native-born Americans. I think it wrong and tyrannical for one class of persons — sometimes citizens of foreign birth — to vote for, disfranchise, whip, sell, buy, breed for market, and otherwise degrade the colored natives of our Southern soil. I regard the decision of Judge Taney, and his brethren, as not infamous only, but insulting to our national character. I would extend to all Americans, without distinction of color or creed, the inalienable birthright of whistling Yankee Doodle, and hurrahing, with heart-felt emphasis, on the Fourth of July, and after every presidential election-unless Buchanan is again a successful candidate. I am an Abolitionist-and something more. I am in favor, not only of abolishing the Curse, but of making reparation for the Crime. Not an Abolitionist only, but a Reparationist. The negroes, I hold, have not merely the inalienable right to be free, but the legal right of compensation for their hitherto unrequited services to the Sout
Buchanan (search for this): chapter 3
eign birth — to vote for, disfranchise, whip, sell, buy, breed for market, and otherwise degrade the colored natives of our Southern soil. I regard the decision of Judge Taney, and his brethren, as not infamous only, but insulting to our national character. I would extend to all Americans, without distinction of color or creed, the inalienable birthright of whistling Yankee Doodle, and hurrahing, with heart-felt emphasis, on the Fourth of July, and after every presidential election-unless Buchanan is again a successful candidate. I am an Abolitionist-and something more. I am in favor, not only of abolishing the Curse, but of making reparation for the Crime. Not an Abolitionist only, but a Reparationist. The negroes, I hold, have not merely the inalienable right to be free, but the legal right of compensation for their hitherto unrequited services to the South. I more than agree with the Disunion Abolitionists. They are in favor of a free Northern Republic. So am I. But as t
Jesus Christ (search for this): chapter 3
e in favor of a free Northern Republic. So am I. But as to boundary lines we differ. While they would fix the Southern boundary of their free Republic at the dividing line between Ohio and Kentucky, Virginia, and the Keystone State, I would wash it with the warm waters of the Gulf of Mexico. But what shall we do with the slaves? Make free men of them. And with the slaveholding class? Abolish them. And with the Legrees of the plantations? Them, annihilate! Drive them into the sea, as Christ once drove the swine; or chase them into the dismal swamps and black morasses of the South. Anywhere — anywhere — out of the world! I am a Peace-Man — and something more. I would fight and kill for the sake of peace. Now, slavery is a state of perpetual war. I am a Non-Resistant — and something more. I would slay every man who attempted to resist the liberation of the slave. I am a Democrat--and nothing more. I believe in humanity and human rights. I recognize nothing as so s
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