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soldiers did not wish to see all that blood and treasure wasted, and all the toils, burdens, and sufferings of those four long years borne in vain. If the rebels, humbled and penitent, would accept in good faith the results of their foolish and wicked contest, and seek to restore the Union upon a permanent basis of freedom and justice, he was disposed to treat them leniently. It was in the hope of securing such a disposition on the part of the rebels that he had granted magnanimous terms to Lee's army, and by that precedent to all the rebels in arms. When, not long after the war, he made a tour of inspection at the South, he was encouraged by the conduct of most of those with whom he came in contact to believe that the great majority of the late rebels did honestly accept the situation, and were ready to submit to such conditions as the government might impose, in order to resume their relations with the Union, and restore the exhausted resources of their states. Such, undoubtedly
ed in his encouragement to the unreformed rebels by removing General Sheridan, and as General Thomas's health would not justify his being sent to New Orleans, General Hancock was appointed in his place. On the, same day General Sickles was removed, because he, like Sheridan, carried out the reconstruction acts in the interest of lccessor. In making these changes, except so far as his petty ill will was gratified, Mr. Johnson must have been disappointed. For all the new commanders, except Hancock, honestly and faithfully administered the reconstruction laws in accordance with their plain intent and meaning, and with the general instructions of Grant; and though Hancock was in some way demoralized, and became, perhaps unwittingly, the tool of the President in fostering the rebel element in New Orleans, most of his retrograde and unjustifiable orders were promptly revoked by Grant, not a little to the President's annoyance. In all this, and in many other less apparent ways, General
st loyal men. Soon after the New Orleans riot the President made his notable and notorious tour to the tomb of Douglas; and in order to create as much popular enthusiasm as possible, he invited, in the form of a command, General Grant and Admiral Farragut to join the presidential party. His course on that journey, swinging round the circle, and making vulgar, undignified, and seditious speeches, must have disgusted these two patriotic veterans. Their presence served to bring out vast crowds, whose cheers the President was conceited enough to imagine were tributes to himself. But on more than one occasion it was made evident that the crowd came to cheer Grant and Farragut, and not Johnson,--the heroes who had conquered the rebels, and not the renegade who sought to restore them to power. Grant modestly acknowledged the honors offered him, but made no speeches, knowing that silence, after Johnson's tirades, was more eloquent and becoming than words. Notwithstanding Secretary Se
Ulysses S. Grant (search for this): chapter 10
and from a sense of duty, feeling that I know I am right in this matter. With great respect, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, General. his Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States. But neither reason nor the patriotic appeal oval, and I had hoped would have prevented it. I have the honor to be, with great respect, Your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, General U. S. A., Secretary of War ad interim. his Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States. The Prest the reinstatement. I made no such promise. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, General. his Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States. Mr. Johnson replied, repeating what he had bed have induced this correspondence on my part, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, General. his Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States. The President reiterated his version of the a
mmunication, direct nor indirect, on the subject of his reinstatement, during his suspension. I knew it had been recommended to the President to send in the name of Governor Cox, of Ohio, for Secretary of War, and thus save all embarrassment — a proposition that I sincerely hoped he would entertain favorably; General Sherman seeing the President at my particular request to urge this, on the 13th instant. On Tuesday (the day Mr. Stanton reentered the office of the Secretary of War) General Comstock, who had carried my official letter announcing that, with Mr. Stanton's reinstatement by the Senate, I had ceased to be Secretary of War ad interim, and who saw the President open and read the communication, brought back to me from the President a message that he wanted to see me that day at the cabinet meeting, after I had made known the fact that I was no longer Secretary of War ad interim. At this meeting, after opening it as though I were a member of the cabinet, when reminded of
E. M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 10
ong other things, to prevent the removal of Mr. Stanton, who alone, in the cabinet, supported the c made manifest, was to remove or suspend Secretary Stanton, whom he hated, and to put Grant in his to the Senate his reasons for suspending Secretary Stanton, his little game was made apparent. Thee the office of Secretary of War the moment Mr. Stanton was reinstated by the Senate. even though ffice bill, contended that he had suspended Mr. Stanton under the authority given by the constitutinate refused to concur in the suspension of Mr. Stanton, my powers as Secretary of War ad interim wndisputable, and I acted accordingly. With Mr. Stanton I had no communication, direct nor indirected my official letter announcing that, with Mr. Stanton's reinstatement by the Senate, I had ceasedat it would be agreeable to you and also to Mr. Stanton--satisfied, as I was, that it was the good al Sherman. Before I consented to advise Mr. Stanton to resign, I understood from him, in a conv[21 more...]
r I assumed the duties of Secretary of War ad interim, the President asked me my views as to the course Mr. Stanton would have to pursue, in case the Senate should not concur in his suspension, to obtain possession of his office. My reply was, in substance, that Mr. Stanton would have to appeal to the courts to reinstate him, illustrating my position by citing the ground I had taken in the case of the Baltimore police commissioners. In that case I did not doubt the technical right of Governor Swann to remove the old commissioners and to appoint their successors. As the old commissioners refused to give up, however, I contended that no resource was left but to appeal to the courts. Finding that the President was desirous of keeping Mr. Stanton out of office, whether sustained in the suspension or not, I stated that I had not looked particularly into the tenure of office bill, but that what I had stated was a general principle, and if I should change my mind in this particular ca
Grant, General U. S. A., Secretary of War ad interim. his Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States. The President, however, persisted in his encouragement to the unreformed rebels by removing General Sheridan, and as General Thomas's health would not justify his being sent to New Orleans, General Hancock was appointed in his place. On the, same day General Sickles was removed, because he, like Sheridan, carried out the reconstruction acts in the interest of loyalty, and General Canby was ordered to succeed him. And subsequently, for similar reasons, General Pope was removed, and General Meade assigned as his successor. In making these changes, except so far as his petty ill will was gratified, Mr. Johnson must have been disappointed. For all the new commanders, except Hancock, honestly and faithfully administered the reconstruction laws in accordance with their plain intent and meaning, and with the general instructions of Grant; and though Hancock was in some way
. Sheridan's firm and loyal conduct gave great satisfaction to the people of the North, except to those who were ready to join hands with the rebels against Congress. But it was due to Grant's firmness and fidelity to the principles which had triumphed over rebellion, that the army was not at New Orleans and elsewhere at the South actually ranged on the side of the rebels against loyal men. Soon after the New Orleans riot the President made his notable and notorious tour to the tomb of Douglas; and in order to create as much popular enthusiasm as possible, he invited, in the form of a command, General Grant and Admiral Farragut to join the presidential party. His course on that journey, swinging round the circle, and making vulgar, undignified, and seditious speeches, must have disgusted these two patriotic veterans. Their presence served to bring out vast crowds, whose cheers the President was conceited enough to imagine were tributes to himself. But on more than one occasion
oppose a barrier to the schemes by which the President sought to restore the. rebels to power. The rebel states were divided into five military districts, each to be commanded by a major-general. These officers were selected by Grant, though appointed to those places by the President, and in making the selection he took those whom he knew to be faithful to the policy on which the rebellion had been suppressed, and opposed to the restoration of rebels to power. Schofield, Sickles, Thomas, Ord, and Sheridan were the officers appointed to the several districts; but Thomas, desiring to remain in command in Kentucky and Tennessee, Pope was designated in his place. The authority of these commanders was great, but their acts were subject to the approval or disapproval of General Grant, who thus had the responsibility of the execution of the laws and the exercise of military power in the rebel states, so far as such responsibility could be separated from the President. It was necessary
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