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ion had been suppressed, and opposed to the restoration of rebels to power. Schofield, Sickles, Thomas, Ord, and Sheridan were the officers appointed to the several districts; but Thomas, desiring toThomas, desiring to remain in command in Kentucky and Tennessee, Pope was designated in his place. The authority of these commanders was great, but their acts were subject to the approval or disapproval of General Gran General Sheridan from the command of the fifth military district, and for the assignment of General Thomas to that position. Being asked if he had any suggestions to make concerning this assignment,ll of the loyal masses, believing that they have the Executive with them. The services of General Thomas in battling for the Union entitle him to some consideration. He has repeatedly entered his persisted in his encouragement to the unreformed rebels by removing General Sheridan, and as General Thomas's health would not justify his being sent to New Orleans, General Hancock was appointed in h
ecution of its laws, and oppose a barrier to the schemes by which the President sought to restore the. rebels to power. The rebel states were divided into five military districts, each to be commanded by a major-general. These officers were selected by Grant, though appointed to those places by the President, and in making the selection he took those whom he knew to be faithful to the policy on which the rebellion had been suppressed, and opposed to the restoration of rebels to power. Schofield, Sickles, Thomas, Ord, and Sheridan were the officers appointed to the several districts; but Thomas, desiring to remain in command in Kentucky and Tennessee, Pope was designated in his place. The authority of these commanders was great, but their acts were subject to the approval or disapproval of General Grant, who thus had the responsibility of the execution of the laws and the exercise of military power in the rebel states, so far as such responsibility could be separated from the Pre
Grant, whose conduct through all his career had been straightforward, honest, and obedient to law, could not in decency submit to the imputations authorized by a President of the United States, although he was a man in whom, notwithstanding his high office, the country had learned to put little confidence. He addressed to the President the following letter, which palpably states the truth:-- headquarters army of the United States, Washington, D. C., January 28, 1868. Sir: On the 24th instant, I requested you to give me in writing the instructions which you had previously given me verbally, not to obey any order from Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, unless I knew that it came from yourself. To this written request I received a message that has left doubt in my mind of your intentions. To prevent any possible misunderstanding, therefore, I renew the request that you will give me written instructions, and, till they are received, will suspend action on your verbal ones.
er, as well as to relieve you from the personal embarrassment in which Mr. Stanton's reinstatement would place you, that I urged the appointment of Governor Cox, believing that it would be agreeable to you and also to Mr. Stanton--satisfied, as I was, that it was the good of the country, and not the office, the latter desired. On the 15th ultimo, in presence of General Sherman, I stated to you that I thought Mr. Stanton would resign, but did not say that I would advise him to do so. On the 18th I did agree with General Sherman to go and advise him to that course, and on the 19th I had an interview alone with Mr. Stanton, which led me to the conclusion that any advice to him of the kind would be useless, and I so informed General Sherman. Before I consented to advise Mr. Stanton to resign, I understood from him, in a conversation on the subject immediately after his reinstatement, that it was his opinion that the act of Congress, entitled An act temporarily to supply vacancies in
and honest response from General Grant:-- headquarters army of the United States, Washington, D. C., February 3, 1868. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 31st ultimo, in answer to mine of the 28th ultimo. After a careful reading and comparison of it with the article in the National Intelligencer of the 15th ultimo, and the article over the initials J. B. S., in the New York World of the 27th ultimo, purporting to be based upon your statement the members of your cabinet therein named, I find it to be but a reiteration, only somewhat more in detail, of the many and gross misrepresentations contained in these articles, and which my statement of the facts set forth in my letter of the 28th ultimo was intended to correct; and I here reassert the correctness of my statements in that letter, anything in yours in reply to it to the contrary notwithstanding. I confess my surprise that the cabinet officers referred to should so greatly mi
December, 1867 AD (search for this): chapter 10
lied, nor coaxed, nor deceived into a policy which should restore rebels to power and place loyal men under their heel. He has been, too, a barrier to the possible schemes of folly and madness which Andrew Johnson is said to have contemplated. His very presence at Washington, as commander of the army, has been the safety of the republic, and a constant intimidation to rebels, and to any executive usurpation in the interest of rebels. When the regular session of Congress commenced in December, 1867, and Mr. Johnson, complying in one respect with a law which he assumed to declare unconstitutional and void, sent to the Senate his reasons for suspending Secretary Stanton, his little game was made apparent. The Senate refused its consent to the removal of Mr. Stanton, and, according to the intent of the law, he was immediately reinstated. General Grant, now as always obedient to the law, recognized the action of the Senate as itself a reinstatement of the secretary, and notifying the
hed statement. This called out the following manly and honest response from General Grant:-- headquarters army of the United States, Washington, D. C., February 3, 1868. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 31st ultimo, in answer to mine of the 28th ultimo. After a careful reading and comparison of it with the article in the National Intelligencer of the 15th ultimo, and the article over the initials J. B. S., in the New York World of the 27th ultimo, purporting to be based upon your statement and that of the members of your cabinet therein named, I find it to be but a reiteration, only somewhat more in detail, of the many and gross misrepresentations contained in these articles, and which my statement of the facts set forth in my letter of the 28th ultimo was intended to correct; and I here reassert the correctness of my statements in that letter, anything in yours in reply to it to the contrary notwithstanding. I confess my surpr
ry 3, 1868. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 31st ultimo, in answer to mine of the 28th ultimo. After a careful reading and comparison of it with the article in the National Intelligencer of the 15th ultimo, and the article over the initials J. B. S., in the New York World of the 27th ultimo, purporting to be based upon your statement and that of the members of your cabinet therein named, I find it to be but a reiteration, only somewhat more in dent would place you, that I urged the appointment of Governor Cox, believing that it would be agreeable to you and also to Mr. Stanton--satisfied, as I was, that it was the good of the country, and not the office, the latter desired. On the 15th ultimo, in presence of General Sherman, I stated to you that I thought Mr. Stanton would resign, but did not say that I would advise him to do so. On the 18th I did agree with General Sherman to go and advise him to that course, and on the 19th I had
getting late, the President said he would see me again. I did not agree to call again on Monday, nor at any other definite time, nor was I sent for by the President until the following Tuesday. From the 11th to the cabinet meeting on the 14th instant, a doubt never entered my mind about the President's fully understanding my position, namely, that if the Senate refused to concur in the suspension of Mr. Stanton, my powers as Secretary of War ad interim would cease, and Mr. Stanton's right s in reply to it to the contrary notwithstanding. I confess my surprise that the cabinet officers referred to should so greatly misapprehend the facts in the matter of admissions alleged to have been made by me at the cabinet meeting of the 14th ultimo as to suffer their names to be made the basis of the charges in the newspaper article referred to, or agree in the accuracy, as you affirm they do, of your account of what occurred at that meeting. You know that we parted on Saturday, the 1
ffice would under the law be indisputable, and I acted accordingly. With Mr. Stanton I had no communication, direct nor indirect, on the subject of his reinstatement, during his suspension. I knew it had been recommended to the President to send in the name of Governor Cox, of Ohio, for Secretary of War, and thus save all embarrassment — a proposition that I sincerely hoped he would entertain favorably; General Sherman seeing the President at my particular request to urge this, on the 13th instant. On Tuesday (the day Mr. Stanton reentered the office of the Secretary of War) General Comstock, who had carried my official letter announcing that, with Mr. Stanton's reinstatement by the Senate, I had ceased to be Secretary of War ad interim, and who saw the President open and read the communication, brought back to me from the President a message that he wanted to see me that day at the cabinet meeting, after I had made known the fact that I was no longer Secretary of War ad interim
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