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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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October 9th, 1848 AD (search for this): chapter 15
s, led by such determined Slavery Restrictionists as Mr. Webster and Gov. Seward, would insure his political adhesion to the right side. Many acted or voted in accordance with this view who were not exactly satisfied with it; and the Whig canvassers were doubtless more decided and thorough in their Free soil inculcations than they would have been had their Presidential candidate been one of themselves. Mr. Webster The following are extracts from Mr. Webster's speech at Abingdon, Mass., Oct. 9, 1848: The gentlemen who have joined this new party, from among the Whigs, pretend that they are greater lovers of Liberty and greater haters of Slavery than those they leave behind them. I do not admit it. I do not admit any such thing. [Applause.] I think we are as good Free Soil men as they are, though we do not set up any such great preeminence over our neighbors. * * * There was an actual outbreak, years ago, between these two parties of the Democracy of New York, and this Barnburnin
1837 AD (search for this): chapter 15
necessary to insert a Wilmot Proviso in a territorial government for New Mexico, that man would, of course, be of opinion that it is necessary to protect the everlasting snows of Canada from the foot of Slavery by the same overspreading wing of an act of Congress. Sir, wherever there is a substantial good to be done, wherever there is a foot of land to be prevented from becoming slave territory, I am ready to assert the principle of the exclusion of Slavery. I am pledged to it from the year 1837; I have been pledged to it again and again; and I will perform those pledges; but I will not do a thing unnecessarily that wounds the feelings of others, or that does discredit to my own understanding. It seems not a little remarkable that a man of Mr. Webster's strength should have traversed the whole ground of controversy so thoroughly in a speech inevitably calculated to excite deep dissatisfaction among the great mass of his constituents, without once considering or even touching this
February (search for this): chapter 15
ontemplated is novel, or non-essential to the general efficiency of the public service — such as the construction of a new railroad, canal, or other public work — the repugnance of either house should suffice entirely to defeat, or, at least, to postpone it; for neither branch has a right to exact from the other conformity with its views on a disputed point as the price of its own concurrence in measures essential to the existence of the Government. The attempt, therefore, of the Senate of February--March, 1849, to dictate to the House, You shall consent to such an organization of the territories as we prescribe, or we will defeat the Civil Appropriation bill, and thus derange, if not arrest, the most vital machinery of the Government, was utterly unjustifiable. Yet this should not blind us to the fact that differences of opinion are at times developed on questions of decided moment, where the rights of each party are equal, and where an ultimate concurrence in one common line of act
March 7th (search for this): chapter 15
Xv. The Compromise of 1850. Gov. Seward James Brooks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speech the Texas job. Gen. Zachary Taylor was inaugurated as President on the 4th of March, 1849. He had received, as we have seen, both an electoral majority and a popular plurality, alike in the Free and in the Slave States, mainly by reason of his persistent and obstinate silence and reserve on the vexed question of Slavery in the Territories. He had written letters — not always wise nor judicious — during the canvass, mainly in its early stages; but they were not calculated, decisively, to alienate either the champions or the opponents of Slavery Restriction. It is among the traditions of the canvass that he, some time in 1848, received a letter from a planter running thus: Sir: I have worked hard and been frugal all my life, and the results of my industry have mainly taken the form of slaves, of whom I own about a hundred. Before I vote for
October 26th, 1848 AD (search for this): chapter 15
er to the Free Soil party: It would only be a change of name; the principles would still be the same. But there would be one change which, I admit, would be monstrous — it would make Mr. Van Buren the head of the Whig party. [Laughter.] claimed Free soil as a distinctive Whig doctrine, and declared that, were the Whigs to join the peculiar Free soil organization, they would only make that the Whig party with Martin Van Buren at its head. Gov. Seward In his speech at Cleveland, Ohio, October 26, 1848, Gov. Seward said: A sixth principle is, that Slavery must be abolished. I think these are the principles of the Whigs of the Western Reserve of Ohio. <*> am not now to say for the first time that they are mine. * * * There are two antagonistic elements of society in America, Freedom and Slavery. Freedom is in harmony with our system of government, and with the spirit of the age, and is therefore passive and quiescent. Slavery is in conflict with that system, with justice, a
August 13th (search for this): chapter 15
taining from abolishing Slavery, but, under a heavy penalty, prohibiting the Slave-Trade, in the District of Columbia. And still the debate went on, hardly interrupted by the death (July 10th) of Gen. Taylor, and the accession of Vice-President Fillmore to the Presidency. Repeated efforts to cut off from California all her territory south of 36° 30‘; to send back her constitution to a new convention of her people, etc., etc., were made by Southern ultras, but defeated; and finally August 13th. the bill to admit California passed the Senate by 34 Yeas to 18 Nays — all Southern--and the bill organizing the Territories of New Mexico and Utah, as proposed, likewise passed two days thereafter: Yeas 27; Nays 10. The other measures embraced in the proposition of compromise were in like manner successively carried with little serious opposition. When these measures reached the House, they encountered a spirited opposition; but the bill organizing the Territory of New Mexico was ad
May 8th (search for this): chapter 15
raised by Mr. Clay's proposition, and also by resolves submitted a month later by Mr. Bell, of Tennessee; and on the 19th this Committee was elected by ballot and composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickinson, of N. Y., Phelps, of Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of Pa., Downs, of La., King, of Ala., Mangum, of N. C., Mason, of Va., Bright, of Ind. Mr. Clay reported May 8th. from said Committee a recommendation, substantially, of his original proposition of compromise, save that he now provided for organizing Utah as a distinct Territory. His report recommended the following bases of a general Compromise: 1. The admission of any new State or States formed out of Texas to be postponed until they shall hereafter present themselves to be received into the Union, when it will be the duty of Congress fairly and faithfully to execute the compact with Texas, by
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