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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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Carolinian (search for this): chapter 8
tion; and the storm that lowered so black and imminent suddenly gave place to a sunny and smiling calm. But General Jackson was deeply dissatisfied, and with reason. He saw in this easy accommodation the seeds of future perils and calamities. He insisted that Calhoun was a traitor; and to the end of his days regretted that he had not promptly arrested and tried him as such. He denied that dissatisfaction with the Protective policy was the real incitement to the ambitious and restless Carolinian's attempt at practical Nullification. The Tariff, he wrote in 1834, to an intimate friend in Georgia, was but a pretext. The next will be the Slavery or Negro question. But while Nullification was thus sternly crushed out in South Carolina, it was simultaneously allowed a complete triumph in the adjoining State of Georgia. The circumstances were briefly as follows: The once powerful and warlike Aboriginal tribes known to us as Cherokees and Creeks, originally possessed respective
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 8
o be reimposed whenever Congress should be clothed with the requisite constitutional power. Henry Clay entered Congress under Jefferson, in 1806, and was an earnest, thorough, enlightened Protectioion of war with Great Britain dwarfed all others; and his zealous efforts, together with those of Clay, Felix Grundy, and other ardent young Republicans, finally overbore the reluctance of Madison andrity of the members, which would whelm them in one common ruin. Finally February 12, 1833., Mr. Clay was induced to submit his Compromise Tariff, whereby one-tenth of the excess over twenty per ceas offered in the House, as a substitute for Mr. Verplanck's bill, by Mr. Letcher, of Kentucky (Mr. Clay's immediate representative and devoted friend), on the 25th of February; adopted and passed at e present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. And Mr. Clay, one of the negotiators of that treaty, declared, in his speech on the Cherokee Grievances in 1
U. S. Senator (search for this): chapter 8
Senate, February 27, 1832. of Pennsylvania--a life-long Democrat and anti-Abolitionist, cautious, conservative, conciliatory — replying to one of Mr. Hayne's eloquent and highwrought portrayals of the miserable state to which the South and her industry had been reduced by the Protective policy, forcibly and truthfully said: What, Sir, is the cause of Southern distress? Has any gentleman yet ventured to designate it? I am neither willing nor competent to flatter. To praise the honorable Senator from South Carolina would be To add perfume to the violet — Wasteful and ridiculous excess. But, if he has failed to discover the source of the evils he deplores, who can unfold it? Amid the warm and indiscriminating denunciations with which he has assailed the policy of protecting domestic manufactures and native produce, he frankly avows that he would not deny that there are other causes, besides the Tariff, which have contributed to produce the evils which he has depicted.
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 8
ns of a lifetime. In Virginia alone was there any official exhibition of sympathy with South Carolina in her self-invoked peril; and she sent a commissioner Benjamin Watkins Leigh. to that State rather to indicate her fraternal regard than to proffer any substantial assistance. There was some windy talk of opposing by force the passage of a Federal army southward through the Old Dominion on an errand of subjugation; and her Governor, John Floyd, father of the late John B. Floyd, Mr. Buchanan's Secretary of War. in his annual Message, said something implying such a purpose. Ex-Governor Troup, of Georgia, and a few other doctrinaires of the extreme State Rights school, muttered some words of sympathy with the Nullifiers, about to be crushed under the iron heel of Federal power — some vague protest against Consolidation; but that was all. Had it become necessary to call for volunteers to assert and maintain the National authority on the soil of the perverse State, they would do
ights—Nullification. Nullification Hayne Webster Jackson Calhoun Georgia and the Indiana. So lirer, November 1, 1814. and antagoistic parties. Mr. Webster, Debate on Foot's resolutions, January 26, 1830.and that this interposition is constitutional. Mr. Webster resumed:--So, Sir, I understood the gentleman, anbate, and finished the doctrine of Nullification, Mr. Webster said: Sir, if I were to concede to the gentlehe time of his great debate on Nullification with Mr. Webster. Each entered Congress before attaining his thirirmed were those propounded by Hayne and refuted by Webster in the great debate already noticed. The Tariff Nullifiers were an overwhelming majority, elected Mr. Webster's luckless antagonist, Robert Y. Hayne, Governor any ever propounded by Hamilton, by Marshall, or by Webster himself. After reciting the purport and effect oat the last moment, seemed exceedingly doubtful. Mr. Webster forcibly urged that no concession should be made
Francis J. McIntosh (search for this): chapter 8
before its true character could be generally known. The Creeks, upon learning that such a pretended treaty had been made, held a general council, wherein it was formally disavowed and denounced, and a party was at once dispatched to the home of McIntosh, a chief who had signed the fraud, to execute the sentence of the law upon him. McIntosh and another principal signer were shot dead on sight, and due notice given that the pretended treaty was utterly repudiated. Governor Troup, of Georgia, McIntosh and another principal signer were shot dead on sight, and due notice given that the pretended treaty was utterly repudiated. Governor Troup, of Georgia, of course assumed the validity of the instrument, and prepared to take forcible possession of the Creek lands. The Creeks appealed to the Government, demanding the enforcement of the treaties whereby they were guaranteed protection in the peaceable enjoyment of their clearly defined territorial possessions. Mr. Adams, who had now succeeded to the Presidency, looked fully into the matter, saw that their claim was just, and assured them that they should be defended. Governor Troup threatened to
John Marshall (search for this): chapter 8
e Calhoun or South Carolina theory of the nature, genius, and limitations of our Federal pact, are as decided and sweeping as any ever propounded by Hamilton, by Marshall, or by Webster himself. After reciting the purport and effect of the South Carolina Ordinance, General Jackson proceeds: The Ordinance is founded, not on or to the courts of the United States, and the final adjudication thereon was had before the Supreme Court at Washington, the decision being pronounced by Chief Justice Marshall. It was entirely in favor of the missionaries and against the pretensions of Georgia, holding that the treaties between the United States and the Cherokehe attorneys for the missionaries sought to have this judgment enforced, but could not. General Jackson was President, and would do nothing of the sort. Well: John Marshall has made his decision: now let him enforce it! I am indebted for this fact to the late Governor George N. Briggs, of Massachusetts, who was in Washington as
ared to take forcible possession of the Creek lands. The Creeks appealed to the Government, demanding the enforcement of the treaties whereby they were guaranteed protection in the peaceable enjoyment of their clearly defined territorial possessions. Mr. Adams, who had now succeeded to the Presidency, looked fully into the matter, saw that their claim was just, and assured them that they should be defended. Governor Troup threatened to employ force; Mr. Adams did employ it. He ordered General Gaines, with a body of regulars, to the scene of apprehended conflict, and gave Georgia fair notice that she must behave herself. The Governor talked loudly, but did not see fit to proceed from words to blows. The Indian Springs fraud proved abortive; but Georgia and her backers scored up a heavy account against Mr. Adams, to be held good against him not only, but all future Yankee and Puritan aspirants to the Presidency. General Jackson was chosen President in 1828, receiving more than
Thomas H. Benton (search for this): chapter 8
tion of the Southern tribes, having mingled much with the whites, and made some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent government within the limits of the States of Georgia and Alabama. And Colonel Benton, in his Thirty years view, says (vol. i., p. 164), General Jackson refused to sustain those Southern tribes in their attempt to set up an independent government within the State of Alabama and Georgia. Both these gentlemen well knew--ColColonel Benton could not but know — that the Cherokees only claimed or sought the rights which they had possessed and enjoyed from time immemorial, which were solemnly guaranteed to them by treaty after treaty, whereof the subsisting validity and pertinence were clearly affirmed by the tribunal of ultimate resort. Georgia was permitted to violate the faith of solemn treaties and defy the adjudications of our highest court. South Carolina was put down in a similar attempt: for the will of Andrew Ja
George M. Dallas (search for this): chapter 8
ast between the thrift, progress, and activity of the Free States, and the stagnation, the inertia, the poverty, of the cotton region, was very striking. And, as the South was gradually unlearning her Revolutionary principles, and adopting instead the dogma that Slavery is essentially right and beneficent, she could not now be induced to apprehend, nor even to consider, the real cause of her comparative wretchedness; though she was more than once kindly and delicately reminded of it. Mr. George M. Dallas, Speech in the Senate, February 27, 1832. of Pennsylvania--a life-long Democrat and anti-Abolitionist, cautious, conservative, conciliatory — replying to one of Mr. Hayne's eloquent and highwrought portrayals of the miserable state to which the South and her industry had been reduced by the Protective policy, forcibly and truthfully said: What, Sir, is the cause of Southern distress? Has any gentleman yet ventured to designate it? I am neither willing nor competent to flatt
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